British Masculinities Beyond Patriarchy, 1689-1702 Owen Anderson Brittan Emmanuel College This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Submitted to the University of Cambridge September 2017 Abstract Title: British Masculinities Beyond Patriarchy, 1689-1702 Author: Owen Anderson Brittan This research project examines multiple constructions of masculinity during the reign of William III (1689-1702), a period often overlooked by historians of masculinity. Historical interpretations of masculinity in the early modern period have focused heavily on patriarchal models of masculinity and the accompanying gendered relationships and expectations associated with the household. Recently, historians have turned their attention to cultures of politeness and civility in the public sphere. Yet masculinity in this period was more diverse than these prominent models allow because it could be constructed through a number of different processes. Using normative literature and experiential records, this project seeks to add to the scholarship on non- patriarchal constructions, understandings, and norms of masculinity. Four non-domestic settings were particularly prominent and recurrent throughout the autobiographical sources and normative literature of the period: the military, government and public service, commerce, and religion. The norms associated with each setting were complex. Moreover, these norms sometimes varied between settings in ways that created tension. Negotiating masculinity in accordance with the normative expectations of various settings could be taxing. Each of these four settings constitutes a chapter in this dissertation, along with a final chapter that shifts the focus beyond the British Isles to how British colonists, travellers, and traders experienced the foreign hardships, climates, and peoples of the geographical periphery, which often necessitated further alternative constructions of masculinity. Grounded upon men's experience recorded in their own words in diaries, journals, and memoirs, this project highlights the numerous ways of establishing manhood and demonstrates the variability of masculinity as an identity that is both subjective and socially contingent. Examining settings of masculinity outside of the household and beyond male-female relations at the turn of the eighteenth century confirms that masculinity is multiple, nuanced, complicated, and (at times) anxious. This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. This dissertation is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. This dissertation does not exceed 80,000 words, exclusive of notes and bibliography. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. Material from this dissertation appears in articles published in the Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies and The Seventeenth Century. This material is included with their permission. I am the sole author of both publications. For the definitive versions please see: Owen Brittan, ‘Subjective Experience and Military Masculinity at the Beginning of the Long Eighteenth Century, 1688-1714’, Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 40, no. 2 (June 2017), 273-290. DOI: 10.1111/1754-0208.12462. Owen Brittan, ‘The Print Depiction of King William III’s Masculinity’, The Seventeenth Century, forthcoming. DOI: 10.1080/0268117X.2017.1301829. Acknowledgements I have accrued a number of debts during the course of my research and I would like to thank everyone that has impacted my time in Cambridge in whatever role they played. Particular thanks go to: My family — Papa, Mom, Theo, Janie, Luke, Bea Colin Robertson and Ted Budden The friends I have made in Abilene, Chicago, Newcastle, Cambridge, and London My supervisor, Dr. Lawrence Klein — for his guidance, support, patience, and time Dr. Robert Bucholz and Dr. Helen Berry — I am greatly indebted to both Dr. Gabriel Glickman — for allowing me to teach and offering comments Keiran Heinemann, Chris Weihs, Janie Brittan, and Beatrice Brittan — for reading a chapter draft each and offering comments My examiners, Dr. Elizabeth Foyster and Dr. Karen Harvey — for their helpful comments The Emmanuel College Library and Cambridge University Library staff members The University of Cambridge Faculty of History, Emmanuel College, Sir Richard Stapley Educational Trust, Royal Historical Society, and Rotary Club District 5670 — for financial assistance This dissertation is dedicated to everyone who has taken an interest in my success over the last three years. Abbreviations AHTL Andover-Harvard Theological Library BALS Barnsley Archives and Local Studies BL British Library CUL Cambridge University, Department of Manuscripts and Archives Dors. HC Dorset History Centre DWL Dr. William’s Library, London Hants. RO Hampshire Archives and Local Studies Kent HLC Kent History and Library Centre LRO Liverpool Record Office SAL Society of Antiquaries of London WLC Wellcome Library, London Contents Introduction 1 Contextualising Settings of Masculinity Beyond Patriarchy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Chapter One 29 Religion Chapter Two 67 Public Service and Government Chapter Three 105 The Military Chapter Four 139 Commerce Chapter Five 179 Outside the British Isles Conclusion 209 Bibliography 215 1 Introduction. Contextualising Settings of Masculinity Beyond Patriarchy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries What it means to be a man can be defined in a myriad of ways. This project uses normative literature and experiential records to investigate how men constructed their gender identities among other men and in relation to masculine ideologies during one brief but formative period in the history of early modern Britain, the reign of King William III. Enshrined by the traditional gender roles of the family, the patriarchal ideal of being a husband, father, and breadwinner was a dominant cultural code fortified by Christian beliefs and well-worn tropes in political, moralistic, and popular literature. However, few could achieve full manhood status by such standards. The household was an important setting for constructing masculinity, but there were other settings that were also meaningful. This dissertation seeks to move beyond these patriarchal models and outside of the ideology of the home by exploring the various experiences, understandings, and norms of masculinity in non-domestic settings. Four non-domestic settings were particularly prominent and recurrent throughout the autobiographical sources and normative literature of William III’s reign: the military, government and public service, commerce, and religion. The norms associated with each setting were complex. Negotiating masculinity in accordance with the expectations of various settings could be taxing because norms sometimes varied in ways that created tension. Each of these four settings constitutes a chapter in this dissertation, along with a final chapter that shifts the focus beyond the British Isles to the geographic periphery and how British colonists, travellers, and traders experienced the foreign hardships, climates, and peoples, which often necessitated further alternative constructions of masculinity. As Lyndal Roper succinctly makes plain, it is the task of the historian to dissect the historical meanings of masculinity and femininity because ‘gender identity was not a biological given but a historical creation’.1 Often conflicting traits were prized by various and differing groups of people based on several factors including class, age, and ethnicity. Depending on location and context, masculinity naturally created a hierarchy of social status. The study of masculinity, which developed out of feminist and gender studies and was further influenced by gay liberation and post-colonial studies, has grown rapidly since the 1980s as a way to explore inequalities, power relations, and discrimination.2 1 Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 13. 2 Henry French and Mark Rothery, Man’s Estate: Landed Gentry Masculinities, c.1660-c.1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 3. 2 Studying masculinity is useful for two reasons that are of particular importance to this dissertation. First, masculinity is not static. As a social construct, gender is anything but ‘natural’. Studying masculinity challenges the assumptions that gender is timeless and unproblematic while questioning the universality of the roles, attributes, and comportments socially specified as ‘masculine’. Second, gender is a powerful aspect of individual and collective identity, along with classifications such as class, occupation, sexuality, and ethnicity, among others. Historicised masculinity indicates that different social positions and rank assigned different values to reputation-building attributes such as lineage, occupation, conduct, and wealth, which dictated notions of one’s honour, reputation, and credit. 3 As sociologists R.W. Connell and James Messerschmidt explain, ‘Masculinities are configurations of practice that are accomplished in social action and, therefore, can differ according to the gender relations in a particular social setting.’4 The multiplicity of masculinity is apparent when considering the numerous ways to ‘be a man’ that existed within and across cultures. Masculinity is both self- and socially-assigned. It is personal and public. Thus, the subjective and contingent nature of masculinity means that masculinity was not only influenced by personal taste, feelings, and opinions but also evaluated and created socially and publicly in accordance with specific historical contexts and events. Therefore, masculinity has a performative element that requires social recognition.5 As John Tosh argues, the necessity of public affirmation suggests that masculinity must also be treated as a demonstrated, circumstantial social status that varied depending on the social context. 6 The necessity of informal proof and demonstration puts distance between the biological definition of the ‘male’ and the cultural and social expectations of the ‘masculine’. Arguing that avoiding shame was essential to early modern manhood, Elizabeth Foyster notes that men achieved honourable manhood by gaining the approval of others; it was not an entitlement from birth.7 Keith Thomas explains that self-esteem often depended on the approval of others, 3 Faramerz Dabhoiwala, ‘The Construction of Honour, Reputation and Status in Late Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 6 (1996), 201- 213, p. 203. 4 R. W. Connell and James W. Messerschmidt, ‘Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept’, Gender & Society 19, no. 6 (December 2005), 829-859, p. 836. 5 The term ‘gender performativity’ was coined by Judith Butler in 1990. See: Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990). 6 John Tosh, ‘What Should Historians Do with Masculinity? Reflections on Nineteenth-Century Britain’, History Workshop, no. 38 (January 1994), 179-202, p. 184. 7 Elizabeth A. Foyster, Manhood in Early Modern England: Honour, Sex and Marriage (London: Longman, 1999), p. 207. 3 and that reputation was a common concern for all levels of society.8 Naturally, the public nature of one’s gendered social identity led to anxiety. Men were on alert for insults attacking anything from their sexual behaviour to their honesty.9 The disjuncture between their individual experience and the experiences of others and the expectations of their social group further concerned men. This apprehension was often due to the connection between masculinity and formal or informal power. While calling for an expanded focus on the social relations of power in the introduction to a special 2005 issue of the Journal of British Studies on masculinity, Alexandra Shepard and Karen Harvey noted that power was central to the history of masculinity.10 Power was an important aspect of the construction and maintenance of masculinity because masculinity is public, hierarchal, and relational. A person, an action, or a belief can be considered more ‘manly' than another. To earn the label of ‘manly’ or a reputation for ‘manliness’ was freighted with significance. As David Kuchta notes in his work on the three-piece suit and male consumption, a public image of masculinity helped men gain and maintain power.11 I. Dominance of a ‘Hegemonic’ Patriarchal Model of Masculinity Although historians have recently turned their attention to cultures of politeness and civility in the public sphere—for the eighteenth century in particular—scholarship on masculinity in early modern Britain has mostly approached the topic by focusing on patriarchal gender roles, particularly in relation to families and the household. Noteworthy studies have come from historians such as Lawrence Stone, Anthony Fletcher, Margaret Hunt, Karen Harvey, Helen Berry, and Elizabeth Foyster.12 While pinning down 8 Keith Thomas, The Ends of Life: Roads to Fulfilment in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 160. 9 Susan Amussen, ‘Gender, Family and the Social Order, 1560-1725’, in Order and Disorder in Early Modern England, eds. Anthony Fletcher and John Stevenson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 196- 217, p. 208. 10 Karen Harvey and Alexandra Shepard, ‘What Have Historians Done with Masculinity? Reflections on Five Centuries of British History, circa 1500–1950’, Journal of British Studies 44, no. 2 (April 2005), 274- 280, p. 276. 11 David Kuchta, The Three-Piece Suit and Modern Masculinity: England, 1550-1850 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), p. 10. 12 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977). Anthony Fletcher, Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500-1800 (London: Yale University Press, 1995). Margaret Hunt, The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680-1780 (London: University of California Press, 1996). Helen Berry and Elizabeth A. Foyster (eds.), The Family in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). Foyster, Manhood in Early Modern England. Elizabeth Foyster, Marital Violence: An English Family History, 1660-1857 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Karen Harvey, ‘The History of Masculinity, circa 1650–1800’, Journal