Black Redemption, not (White) Abolition Robbie Shilliam1 A good place to start is with a story. This one is from Erna Brodber (1980), it is set in Jamaica, and it follows Nellie. She is in the process of liberating her body, psyche and spirit from slavery. To do so, Nellie must come out of her kumbla. A kumbla is a disguise, a protective device that you weave around yourself for survival. In a kumbla, “you can see both in and out. You hear them. They can hear you. They can touch you. You can touch them. But they cannot handle you” (1980: 123). A kumbla protects by functioning as a disguise, and more so, as subterfuge by dislocating its wearer from the harsh points of a dangerous reality (see Cooper 1990: 284–286). The kumbla “blows as the wind blows it, if the wind has enough strength to move it”; “it is a round seamless calabash that protects you without caring” (Brodber 1980: 123). In other words, the powerful protection that a kumbla provides is of a kind that ensures survival but does not nurture. Nellie was born into her kumbla. Although Nellie’s great grandfather Will was from a poor background he came from white stock, and in Jamaica that fact allowed him to improve his lot. Will continued his family line with Tia Maria, the black god-daughter of the black maid who raised him. Will did not need to fashion a kumbla; however, the discrepancy between his social position and personal relations must have also produced a significant – but differently felt - disconnect in his orientation to the world: “[h]e was an abstract being, living in his head and his family and totally unaware of other tunes and innuendos” (Brodber 1980: : p.138). By contrast, Tia Maria did not look to the far-flung abstracted future, as Will did; she could only look to her direct and immediate reality. She knew that two roads lay before her: Will’s people or her own people, “and she knew who had power.” To take that road for her children, “she’d have 1 to learn to bob and weave” and spin a kumbla out of Will’s white skin (1980: : p.138). In the end, ponders Nellie, all Will willed to his offspring was “his abstract self and what cocoons we could make out of it” (Brodber 1980: p.141). To come out of a kumbla is to dispense with an un-nurturing protection. It is to re- connect with and creatively embrace a heritage that has been kept distant, because, while that heritage is infused with pain and sorrow it also possesses healing powers for the living. To come out of the kumbla is to do more than physically survive; it is to redeem your past. So as Nellie comes out of her kumbla her ancestors tell their story. Some of them had refused Tia Maria’s weave, while others reacted badly to the material and had to shake it off. What is more, these spirits tell Nellie of the hidden sites - in thatched or open air tabernacles rather than stone churches - where they redeemed their humanity, and of how they exorcised the ills of slavery with sciences, arts, songs and practices not taught to them by slavemasters. This practice of redeeming one’s own humanity is absent from the narrative of abolition, the dominant story used in the Western academy to imagine the coordinates of modern freedom and to guess at its content. The abolition narrative posits a rupture: the before-of-slavery and the afterwards-of-freedom. It also presents quintessentially white European and American elites as the agents who inaugurate this rupture between barbaric and civilized rule by fighting a fratricidal war with their un-Christian-like white European/American brothers/cousins. As such, their leadership of civilization is self- correcting. White abolition silences Black redemption. In this chapter we will refuse this silencing, and retrieve and journey with the practice of saving yourself. 2 Just as the fates of Will and Nellie are bound together, all of us who are implicated in the legacies of the enslavement of Africans are bound on this journey. The journey must, though, be sensitively undertaken. For some of us implicated via personal heritages it will be of importance to acknowledge that even if Nellie’s kumbla cannot liberate, it can sometimes aid survival through its ability to disguise intellect and soul. And it should never be demanded that saving oneself is an exercise entirely open for all to observe.. For some of us implicated through socio-economic legacies, it will be of importance to remember that Will’s relatively privileged positionality came at the cost of a disconnection from his surrounding environment and family. Will could not adequately understand the struggles for freedom in which he himself was implicated. Similar disconnections exist in the lofty abstractions of European Enlightenment and promises of modernity upon which we measure the worth of our thoughts and actions. But, however we are implicated in the legacies of slavery we must consider the following: if the audacity of freeing the individual from natural and social bonds underwrites the canons of modern social and political thought, and if, in this day and age, all progressive practices must proclaim to be humanist, then for the love of humanity, we must all undertake some kind of journey in and with the world of Black redemption. As a hermeneutical device, “worlding” proposes that the fundamental task of understanding is not to grasp a fact, or even interrogate a social relationship, but to apprehend a possibility of being – to be oriented (Ricoeur 1981: pp.55–56). Orientation is not a task to be started and completed. It is a constant requisite for reasoning and imagining. By these terms, orientation is outlawed by the abolitionist narrative that demands its blessed subjects continue to face forward for fear of uncovering their own authorship in ongoing unfreedoms that they enrage over. But for Nellie, there can be no separation between the cumulated lived experience of her people and its worldly meaning. Hence, those implicated in the struggle 3 like Nellie will more wilfully use the past as their vision of action for present-day redemption – redemption here meaning both deliverance from and the making meaningful of the suffering of enslavement (Shulman 2008: p.259 fn14). In this chapter we will cast out the lofty abolitionist narrative and ground, instead, with some of the orientations of the enslaved and their descendents. “Grounding”, in the Rastafari faith, is a form of reasoning wherein, amongst other strategies, interlocutors produce knowledge and understanding of the world through the hermeneutics of the sufferers rather than via the abstractions of privileged and detached philosophers. We will therefore dwell in wooded, thatched and zinc tabernacles rather than stone churches, read parchment scrolls of Black supremacy rather than definite articles of Perpetual Peace, and come to know the Black God of earthly redemption rather than the transparent God of ethereal Reason. Following Nellie’s path, we shall witness the growth of universals through the reasonings of the enslaved and their descendents as they articulate the meanings of liberation, justice and especially accountability. We will come to understand how these reasonings resist the categorical segregations found in the abolition narrative regarding unfree-past/free-present, saviour/victim, and damned/blessed. And we will realize that, unlike Enlightenment thought, humanitarian discourse and the pretence of the “international community”, these reasonings call everyone to account for themselves in the liberation struggle. SONGS OF FREEDOM We will start, however, with the stinging critique of the abolitionist narrative provided, at the turn of the 20th century, by W.E.B. Dubois. His critique clarifies the stakes at play as 4 well as the heights of abstraction that must be bridged in order to ground with Nellie’s redemption. Forty years after President Lincoln’s emancipation proclamation W.E.B. Dubois opined that the negro was still not free, especially in the South. In the cities, negroes lived as a “segregated servile caste” and in the rural areas many were still “bound by law and custom to an economic slavery, from which the only escape is death or the penitentiary” (DuBois 1961: p.41; see also DuBois 1995: pp.289, 595). Dubois even proclaimed that the key problem of the twentieth century was an international continuation of an old domestic problem, the color line (DuBois 1961: p.23). During the Second World War he would restate this issue of unfinished/sabotaged liberation: “The problem of the reconstruction of the United States, 1876, is the problem of the reconstruction of the world in 1843” (DuBois 1943: p.212). Much later, at the dawn of the 21st century, Angela Davis (2005) would resurrect Dubois’s stinging critique of the destruction of substantive reconstruction efforts after the civil war, in the main led by emancipated African-Americans, to show that meaningful liberation has yet to arrive for the descendent communities of enslaved Africans. Dubois does not use the colour line to separate an unfree past from a free present, but rather to underscore present day unfreedoms and suffering emanating out of slavery. This strategy is sacrilege to the abolitionist imagination. It usurps the civilizational heritage that even today allows the dominating impulses of Western foreign policies to be expressed as “humanitarianism” (Crawford 2002), because such impulses are decidedly future-oriented and rarely dwell on the accountability of past actions for present injustices. In the abolitionist narrative, slave-holding cultures give themselves the gift of abolition, i.e., they endogenously transform into freedom cultures. With no need for atonement over past actions, “humanitarian” 5 ethics are firmly future-oriented, consisting mainly of the right to save the victims (especially women) of other cultures that it now indicts from on high as slave-holding. However, this endogenous transformation from slave-holding to freedom-loving is exposed as fantasy when it is acknowledged that the “victims” themselves led the efforts for emancipation. And this is how Dubois cuts an even deeper incision into the abolitionist narrative when he makes the simple but pertinent point that while “white men helped and made possible the Underground Railroad [it was] negroes [who were the] engineers, conductors and passengers” (DuBois 1943: p.207). Dubois is reminding his readers that the enslaved had saved themselves, albeit with some help from friends. Furthermore, Anthony Bogues points out that Dubois’ reminder requires him to shift into a different heremeneutic than what would underpin the abolition narrative.2 This shift requires some further reflection. In Black Reconstruction, Dubois uses historical sociology – learnt at Berlin University - to understand the Civil War and the (thwarted) democratic experiment that immediately followed it. The first chapters of the book set up a Marxist dialectic in order to elucidate the contradiction between workers and property-owners and to expose the eruption of this contradiction in a struggle by the workers. However, Dubois also uses this dialectic to ground with the lives of the enslaved allowing him to expose a racialized cleavage between white and black workers. Moreover, the chapter entitled “general strike” focuses upon the subversion of the plantation economy by the black workers including tactics such as running away. And the chapter that is supposed to reveal the “point of arrival” (in Hegelian terms), i.e. the resolution of this contradiction leading to a higher ethical structure of society, is rather un-marxistly entitled “the coming of the lord”. Indeed, at the very moment when he tries to capture how the enslaved articulated emancipation, Dubois shifts into a poetic register: 6 There was joy in the south. … young women, black, tawny, white and golden, lifted shivering hands, and old broken mothers black and gray, raised great voices and shouted to God across the fields, and up to the rocks and the mountains. A great song arose, the loveliest thing born this side the seas. It was a new song. It did not come from Africa, though the dark throb and beat of that Ancient of Days was in it and through it. It did not come from white America - never from so pale and hard and thin a thing, however deep those vulgar and surrounding tones had driven ... It was a new song and its deep and plaintive beauty, its great cadences and wild appeal wailed, throbbed and thundered on the world’s ears with a message seldom voiced by man. It swelled and blossomed like insense, improvised and born anew out of an age long past, and weaving into its texture the old and new melodies in word and in thought … [It] lived and grew; always it grew and swelled and lived, and it sits today at the right hand of God, as America's one real gift to beauty; as slavery's one redemption, distilled from the dross of its dung (DuBois 1995: pp.124–125). Dubois is presenting the testimony of emancipation as a song. He does not detail the song’s content. However, he does suggest what kind of orientation we would need in order to hear and feel its content. First, the song is new, something is being created out of the struggle. However, this creation is not a rupture (as it would have to be in the abolition narrative), but rather a new iteration of extant songs that express the African cultures and cosmologies enslaved persons journeyed with to the Americas. The middle-passage does not mark the geographical rupture point between tradition and modernity, barbarism and civilization. Hence, emancipation is Black redemption of and for this past. Second, emancipation is not dispensed with from above/outside, as it is in the abolition narrative, rather, it is an uplift: it grows out of the grounds of struggle and resonates outwards even to the heavens. These hermeneutic shifts gestured to by Dubois fundamentally disrupt the neat embodiment of freedom in, for example, the idea of the “international community” and espoused in a self- correcting, future-oriented, self-appointed doctrine of vanguardism (see Blair 1999). More important still, Dubois’ gesture exposes the inadequacy of understanding the moment of liberation without confronting the meanings cultivated by those who sought to liberate themselves. 7 Let us briefly return to the protagonists of Brodber’s story. The meaning of Dubois’s freedom song cannot move you if you have woven yourself into Tia Maria’s kumbla. The kumbla prepares you to always be an observer/consumer of the progress told by and about other lives (see Walcott 1974). It is to move only where another god’s providence moves you, if it moves you at all. Alternatively, if, like Nellie’s great grandfather Will, you have disconnected yourself from the struggles that you are implicated in in order to reach a safer level of abstraction, then you will hear but not listen to these freedom songs, and you will not consider them as a primary resource for adequately understanding the meaning of emancipation. This last point requires further elucidation. Will’s abstracted state of existence finds solace in Descartes, who separated the mind and body, granted the former universal being, and shunted into the later all particular objects that were “qualified” by adjectives (see Mills 1998: chap.1). The song of BlackFreedom identified by Dubois, rising from the struggles of the enslaved, falls silent somewhere in between these two states of being. In Descarte’s schema, freedom in the abstract can be considered a universal, but black freedom can only be considered a particular, qualified by a somatic adjective, hence at best being considered a derivative discourse of something more fundamental. And yet, as critical race theorists have pointed out (past and present), non- adjectival proclamations of “freedom”, “power” and “rights” are also particulars, only ones that masquerade as universals to the extent that their substance is drawn from racially interperllated experiences of these conditions, i.e. white experience (Fanon 1986: pp.129–138; McIntosh 1988; Leonardo 2004). It is the bracketing of the racial qualifier – (white) - that makes ( )Freedom supposedly a non-derivative discourse. Therefore its proclaimed universality is really the proclamation of white privilege, i.e. the epistemic privilege to be able to make your epidermis - and, if you are a white male, the entire body - transparent so 8 that it is just the abstract mind that presents itself and frees itself. “All this whiteness that burns me”, rages Fanon (1986: 114). However, following Dubois’s lead, we could claim on the contrary that the song of BlackFreedom resonates more universally because it is explicitly grounded in an experience of oppression; whereas ( )Freedom has yet to confront the oppressive nature of its own prejudice. Will cannot face this confrontation; but Nellie has oriented her heart to these inherited songs of freedom. She is retrieving, reconnecting and reasoning with the sciences, cooking pots, herbs, tabernacles and melodies of her hidden ancestors. She will redeem the humanism practiced by them with a creative embrace of her Black God. And it will be a gift to the world. Let us now walk with her on some of that journey. THE GOOD GOD OF THE ENSLAVED DEMANDS JUSTICE On August 14, 1791, representatives of the enslaved communities from approximately one hundred plantations met at the Lenormand de Mézy estate near Cap Français in the north of Saint Domingue. There, they plotted their response to the French Revolution the ramifications of which were being discussed among all strata of this, the richest of France’s sugar producing colonies. Discussions had proceeded through many different modalities and frameworks of cognition that reflected the diversity of positions within the Saint Domingue racial hierarchy. But those held amongst the enslaved were rarely made public. After a premature arson attempt led to interrogation and the revelation of the plot to authorities, a further meeting was quickly organized, out of sight, in a wood (bois) called Caïman. At that meeting Cécile Fatiman, an old priestess of African and Corsican parentage, presided over a traditional Dahomean blood oath binding all present to proceed with the 9 revolution for liberation or death. Also present was Dutty Boukman, a coachman, who, as a Muslim cleric, had been captured in Senegambia and transported to Jamaica, there to make one further crossing to Saint Domingue and to emerge as a Vodou priest and leader of the enslaved. Boukman followed Fatiman by reciting a prayer: The Good Lord who created the sun which lights us from above, which stirs the sea and makes the thunder roar – listen well, all of you – this god, hidden in the clouds, watches us. He sees what the white people do. The god of the white people demands from them crimes; our god asks for good deeds. But this god who is so good demands vengeance! He will direct our hands; he will aid us. Throw away the image of the god of the whites, who thirsts for our tears, and listen to the voice of liberty that speaks in all of our hearts! (cited in Hurbon 1995: p.45) Historians of the Haitian Revolution have debated whether Boukman really said those words at that time and in that place. It is generally agreed that some sort of meeting at a place called Bois Caïman did take place, but that the details are shrouded in legend. Some even point to the fact that the written reports came from French hands; therefore, the prayer could turn out to be simply a French fantasy of savage revenge. Nevertheless, oral history in Haiti is much more affirmative of the indigenous roots of the story and also provides testimony as to the enduring, cumulative and living meaning of the episode and prayer for Haitian society.3 Indeed, since 1791, Bois Caïman has been consistently mobilized in the political history of Haiti - by François Duvalier for an Afro-nationalism that was disastrous for the majority of poor black Haitians, but also by Jean-Bertrand Aristide to articulate his liberation theology that God dwells in the heart of the poor (Thylefors 2009). The prayer of resistance offered at Bois Caïman is therefore less of a French fantasy and much more of a sacred Haitian utterance, especially considering the amount of blood spilt for and around it. The significance of Boukman’s prayer must be contextualized within the era of revolution and abolition. Slaving cultures racialized enslaved Africans so that they became Negroes. According to Syvlia Wynter (2003) a major shift in cognitive boundary setting 10