DDeePPaauull UUnniivveerrssiittyy VViiaa SSaappiieennttiiaaee College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations 11-2014 BBllaacckk aaccttrreesssseess iinn AAmmeerriiccaann fifillmmss:: aa hhiissttoorryy aanndd ccrriittiiccaall aannaallyyssiiss ooff tthhee mmaammmmyy//mmaaiidd cchhaarraacctteerr Valerie Coleman DePaul University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd RReeccoommmmeennddeedd CCiittaattiioonn Coleman, Valerie, "Black actresses in American films: a history and critical analysis of the mammy/maid character" (2014). College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations. 177. https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd/177 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Black Actresses in American Films: A History & Critical Analysis Of The Mammy/Maid Character A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts November 2014 By Valerie La Jaune Coleman Master of Arts in Liberal Studies Program College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences DePaul University Chicago, Illinois CONTENTS Chapter I: INTRODUCTION 1 II: TRACING THE HISTORY OF THE MAMMY/MAID CHARACTER 5 III: THE MAMMY/MAID CHARACTER IN AMERICAN FILMS AND THE ACTRESSES WHO PORTRAYED THEM 15 IV: WHOOPI GOLDBERG: CONTINUING THE LEGACY OF THE MAMMY/MAID 53 V. CONCLUSION 68 REFERENCE LIST 74 FILMOGRAPHY 78 APPENDIX 81 ii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION At a very early age I became aware of the types of roles black women played in the older films. The constant images of black women (and men) in subservient roles became troubling as I got a little older. I had conflicting emotions while watching mammy/maids and other troubling stereotypical characters; I found myself frequently re-writing scripts in my head to either change the black characters and/or to include additional black female (and male) characters. It is no wonder I preferred the unrealistic all-black productions, such as Carmen Jones (1954), or the predominantly white-focused films where, for instance, a glamorous black woman, dressed impeccably, appeared and sang in a Night Club setting, even though she would disappear since her character had nothing to do with the plot. These conflicting emotions have not disappeared as an adult and are part of the motivation for my nonfiction writing. As a film buff, I have enjoyed covering and researching film in relationship to issues of race and gender. And I’ve extended this interest and motivation to this thesis project. The focus of my thesis is on American films that feature the mammy/maid character. This character is the most common one for black women in American films. I include contemporary mammy/maid types cast as nurturers and/or buffoons, as well as the early mammy/maids. The focus is on American films made by white males, but other films are mentioned, as are a few relevant television programs. I argue that there is a long history behind the mammy/maid stereotype, predating the films, and I examine how these roles have remained consistent up to the contemporary moment. Equally important, in this thesis, I examine how the actresses who played the roles thought about and negotiated them. Except for The Help, the analysis ends with films produced in 2001. 1 In the thesis, I draw extensively on a number of scholars and authors. In the Preface to Black Feminist Thought, Patricia Hill Collins (1990) addresses why she uses so many quotations: I deliberately include numerous quotations from a range of African- American women thinkers, some well known and others rarely heard from. Explicitly grounding my analysis in multiple voices highlights the diversity, richness, and power of Black women’s ideas as part of a long-standing African-American women’s intellectual community. (Hill Collins 1990, xiii) Hill Collins is a very important voice, speaking for and to black women, whether they define themselves as Feminist/Womanist or not. I draw on her chapter, “Mammies, Matriarchs, And Other Controlling Images,” in Black Feminist Thought (1990), where she addresses the controlling images of Black women in film and media, including the mammy/maid. I have also benefitted from Donald Bogle’s extensive work on stereotypes of Black people in film, particularly his book Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in Films (1994). In addition, I reference other key sources by black authors, as well as non-black authors, including Michael Rogin’s, Blackface, White Noise - Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting Pot (1996). The thesis is organized into three major chapters. In Chapter I, “Tracing the History of The Mammy/Maid Character”, I explore the history of the mammy/maid character in film, revealing the origin of the character and its relationship to other stereotypical roles. In Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks (1994), Donald Bogle argues that there are five basic stereotypes that depict black life in films. They are: 1) The Tom (Uncle Tom), 2) The Coon, 3) The Tragic Mulatto, 4) The Mammy 5) The Brutal Black Buck. These characters are based on stereotypical images that Americans have been familiar with since slavery. Bogle explains that with D.W. Griffith’s 1915 racist film The Birth of a Nation, all five stereotypes were introduced. However, some were introduced in earlier films pre-dating Griffith, 2 such as Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1903 and 1914). The lead roles were played by whites in blackface, with blacks cast as extras. The Debt (1912) featured the tragic mulatto, played by a white woman in blackface. Director D.W. Griffith defended his film, claiming that it was not racist. As Bogle writes, Throughout the years, D.W. Griffith defended himself as a mere filmmaker with no political or ideological view in mind. Surprised and apparently genuinely hurt when called a racist, as late as 1947, one year before his death and some thirty-two years after the movie’s release, D.W. Griffith still maintained that his film was not an attack on the American Negro.” (Bogle 1994, 16) I close the chapter with a brief history of the tragic mulatto. The term “Tragic Mulatto” was first penned in Southern literature, and is a character that often comes to a tragic end in both literature and films (e.g., The Debt [1912], Imitation of Life [1934]). The tragic mulatto is the direct opposite of the mammy/maid in many ways, in both demeanor and physical appearance. In Chapter II, I discuss some of the once well-known actresses in their roles as mammy/maids who came to fame in the first half of the 20th century. I include women such as Hattie McDaniel and Louise Beavers who carved out careers playing primarily the character of mammy/maid. I explore how they thought about their roles and how they responded to the critiques and protests lodged about them. Organizations, like the NAACP, often pointed to these roles as perpetuating a history of racism, black servitude to white people, and racial stereotypes. In Chapter III, I focus more extensively on Whoopi Goldberg whose career began long after the golden age of Hollywood. She is a contemporary black actress who has had her own golden film era. Goldberg accomplished a lot within the span of six years from the time The Color Purple was released in 1985 to her second Oscar nomination and win in early 1991 for Ghost (1990). No other contemporary black actress has made as many films where she was cast as a mammy/maid type. She routinely plays care givers to whites, while also often cast as the 3 comic relief. For these reasons and more Whoopi Goldberg is the sole focus of Chapter III. In the Conclusion, I show how some contemporary black women are navigating the paths of their careers in response to ongoing obstacles of typecasting. I offer examples of black women who are working behind the scenes on camera and/or creating their own projects. These are women who are contributing to projects with characters that have nothing to do with stereotypes, and are working to change the industry from the inside out. At the same time, I reflect on the enduring role and impact of the mammy/maid character on black women’s lives. In an appendix that follows the conclusion, I include a list of the black female Academy Award nominees and winners, in both the lead and supporting actress categories. This relatively short list shows that a significant percentage of black actresses were nominated for roles in which they played a mammy/maid character. 4 CHAPTER II TRACING THE HISTORY OF THE MAMMY/MAID CHARACTER As early as the 16th century, European Courtiers masked themselves as Moors (blacks). Meanwhile in America, slavery began in 1619, and within this context, the slaves were early black American performers. They sang, danced and told jokes to entertain, not only other slaves, but their captors as well. Sometimes talented slaves were hired out to traveling troupes. It is not inconceivable that slaves realized that the routines that garnered the most enthusiastic laughs were the self effacing stereotypical ones. Such behavior would “give the people what they want”, as the saying goes. And what racist whites wanted was for the slaves, and the characters they performed, to behave in ways that would justify their exploitation. In other words, if they were forced to perform ridiculous, ignorant people, these attributes were then projected on to them as real characteristics of black people. By the early 1830s in the United States, white entertainers began to imitate blacks in black face for minstrel and vaudeville shows. Minstrel characters such as the original “Jim Crow”, played by Edwin Forrest, were featured, and this was also the advent of the mammy/maid stereotypical character. The mammy became one of the main characters whites did in blackface. Michael Rogin, the author of Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting Pot, argues that racial cross-dressing (e.g., minstrels) was just another component of white supremacy. This form of entertainment “was the first and most popular form of mass culture in the nineteenth-century United States” (Rogin 1998, 51). In minstrel shows, whites claimed to speak for both races. White people continued to try and speak for blacks by seeking to claim their comedic antics through exaggerating and demeaning them in blackface. At the same time, they would claim, out of fear, that (all) blacks desired 5 whites. Whites of various ethnicities performed in blackface. One such group was the Irish. The Irish were frequently looked down upon by other whites. The racial slur of Niger was flung at them and they were depicted as apes in cartoons just as blacks were. It was not unusual for the Irish to encounter job ads in newspapers as well as help wanted signs in windows that read No Irish. Other unjust treatment was commonplace to these immigrants. The Whigs in Britain could show some sympathy for the oppressed black slaves, but not for the Irish. None of this prevented Irish immigrants from joining in the persecution of blacks, including owning slaves. By the mid-19th century the U.S. experienced its largest immigration of Irish. Lawrence W. Levine, author of Black Culture and Black Consciousness (2007), also notes that that both northern and southern blacks, free and enslaved, told Irish jokes. In making fun of Irish people, blacks could identify with the mainstream white population that ruled them both. The Irish “became surrogates for all the other whites against whom it could be dangerous to speak openly… (Just as for their part European immigrants could quickly feel at one with their new country by identifying themselves with the white majority)” (Levine 1997, 302). The Irish, as other white-identified groups, were involved in violently attacking blacks, especially when incited by the press and by actions of the government. The media and government officials armed these groups with distorted information that lead them to believe that blacks were getting ahead of them economically, with rights and protection they did not have, such as not being a part of the draft. This anger of real and perceived injustices lead to the New York Draft Riots of 1863 where Irish people attacked and murdered black people (Harris, 2003). Those supporting or defending blacks, including other Irish immigrants, were attacked and threatened as well. 6 Jewish Americans have also endured wide spread prejudice, and yet, by the 20th century, they performed in blackface more than any other ethnic group in the country. Similar to the Irish, there were blacks who took up a dislike of Jewish people as well, because of the acceptance of anti- Semitism in America during the 19th and 20th centuries. Blackface reached its peak in popularity after the Civil War (1861 - 1865), and Black minstrel shows also became established at that time, although these had begun in the 1850s before the war. The African American Almanac (2008) distinguished black minstrelsy from white; it states: “Although black minstrels inherited the negative stereotypes of blacks that white minstrels had established, the African American performer won a permanent place on the American stage, providing a training ground for the many black dancers, comedians, singers and composers to come.” Ethel Waters is one of those performers who got her start in minstrel shows. These performers sometimes appeared in blackface, as did the very young and tiny Sammy Davis, Jr. Minstrel shows were the major source of entertainment for blacks during this era. In The Black Culture Industry (1997), Ellis Cashmore reflects on the meaning of minstrelsy: It’s ironic to some, theft to others, cultural syncretism to still others: the fact remains that African American culture fascinates whites and, without such fascination, its destiny might have been to be overlooked. The minstrelsy took to whites an insight into black culture that was at once satiric and reverent. While it derided blacks, it also paid them an almost unwitting respect. (39) After the Civil War, black entertainers were put in the position of competing with white Minstrel performers in blackface for roles. Later when blacks did appear in Civil War films as slaves, the outcome meant yet more demeaning roles. For many black film critics, it is not that blacks were slaves in these films. As Bogle (1994) so aptly asks: “for how else could they be depicted?” The problem is “that the films have humiliated and debased them far beyond the calling of the script” (88). 7