Augustus' Divine Authority and Vergil's "Aeneid" Author(s): SABINE GREBE Source: Vergilius (1959-), Vol. 50 (2004), pp. 35-62 Published by: The Vergilian Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41587284 . Accessed: 02/12/2013 20:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The Vergilian Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Vergilius (1959-). http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Divine and Augustus' Authority Aeneid Vergil's SABINE GREBE I. Introduction ß.s is well known, Vergil's Aeneid contains a political message. Scholars have interpretedt his message in two opposing directions, often labeled as "anti-Augustan" and "pro-Augustan." Ralph Johnson calls them "the pessimistic Harvard school" and "the optimistic European school" whereas, more recently, Michael Putnam speaks of "loyalist and subversive ways of understanding <the Aeneid's> meaning".2 Both interpretationso f the Aeneid were recently examined by Ernst A. Schmidt.3 Putnam identifies many ambiguities in Vergil's epic. Despite the pessimistic view of the Harvard school and of Putnam, a strong case can be made that Vergil celebrates and, more importantly, legitimizes Augustus' power as an autocrat. Augustus himself considered authority (auctoritas) as the basis of his rule. This essay claims that the Aeneid may be read as such a legitimizing effort. The Aeneid locates the origins of authority in the divine and thereby ensures, at least in Roman culture of Augustus' time, a legitimate role for Augustus as primus interp ares. In ancient Rome, politics and religion were closely connected to each other.4 Politics sought to preserve and increase the foundation of Rome. This foundation possessed a sacred character 1 Walter Ralph Johnson,D arkness Visible: a Study of Vergil's Aeneid (Berkeleya nd Los Angeles1 976) 9; 11; 15. MichaelC .J.P utnam,V irgil'sA eneid:I nterpretatioann d Influence(C hapel Hill and London1 995) 2. Ernst A. Schmidt," The Meaning of Vergil's Aeneid: Americana nd GermanA pproaches,C" W 94 (2001) 145-171. Cf. GuntherG ottlieb", Religioni n the Politicso f AugustusA: eneid 1.278- 91, 8.714-23, 12.791-842,"i n Hans-PeterS tahl (ed.), Vergil's Aeneid: AugustanE pic and PoliticalC ontex(tL ondon 1998) 21-36. Vergiliu5s0 (2004)3 5-62 This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 36 SabineG rebe so that it remained binding for all future generations. By ruling in accordance with the procedural requisites of authority, those in authority augmented the foundation of the Urbs. As Hannah Arendt writes in her influential essay, "All authority derives from this foundation, binding every act back to the sacred beginning of Roman history, adding, as it were, to every single moment the whole weight of the past."5 Authority was derived from a deeply rooted past. Hence, the deeds of the ancestors ( maiores ) played an eminent role in Roman thinking and politics. The ancestors exhibited a model for rulers. Their institutions and acts bound future generations. The actions of Roman politicians were evaluated in terms of the intent of the ancestors. A Roman official had to act within the boundary of authority established by the ancestors. The official had to justify his decisions and deeds in terms of the past. In sum, a Roman politician derived his authority in a backward-looking process that could be traced to the very first beginnings of Roman history. It was inconceivable that an official would act without authority (and tradition). The trinity of authority,t radition,a nd religion permeated Roman politics.6 How do these reflections about the Roman concept of auctoritas impact Augustus and the Aeneiďi To answer this question we must examine, first, Augustus' divine authority as described by Vergil in the Aeneid, and, second, the sources for Augustus' divine authority. According to the Aeneid , it is the wish of the Olympian gods that Roman history culminate in Augustus. Thus, Vergil's epic is a piece of propaganda, though a very sophisticated one, in that it reinforces the divine foundation of the Emperor's auctoritas. The Aeneid offers two ultimate sources for the Emperor's auctoritas- the mythic origins of Rome and of the Roman people, on one hand, and the divine sphere on the other. To 5 HannahA rendt",W hati s Authority?in" : HannahA rendtB, etweenP ast and FutureS. ix Exercisesi nP oliticalT hough(tL ondon1 9 6 1) 9 1- 1 4 1, esp.1 23. Arendt1, 20-125.F or a recentd iscussiono f authoritiyn thec ontexto f the historyo f Westernl egal thoughts ee William E. Conklin,T he Invisible Originso f Legal PositivismA. Re-readingo f a Tradition(D ordrechta nd Boston2 001) ( Law and PhilosophyL ibrary5 2), esp.57-61. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AugustusD' ivineA uthoritayn d Vergil'sA eneid 37 this end, Vergil traces Augustus' political position not merely to Romulus, the mythic founder of Rome, but even furtherb ack in Roman history to Aeneas, the founder of the Roman people. It was the mythic origins of Rome and of the Roman people which authorized Augustus to act as primus inter pares, the firsta mong equals. It is best for us to understand the Aeneid as an effort to explain the extraordinary significance of the very first and divine beginning of the Romans as the ultimate source for the Emperor's auctoritas. This aspect of the Aeneid has not yet been fully analyzed in the research literature on Vergil and Augustus. The purpose of this essay is to show that Vergil's epic did support Augustus' regime by the retrieval of the very firstd ivine beginning of Rome and her people. Exploiting the Roman concept of auctoritas by tracing an official's position backward in history to the origins as described above, Vergil was able to link the principáte with the mythic origins of Rome. I shall argue that Vergil interprets Augustus as the rightful heir of Aeneas and of Romulus and thus presents the principáte as an integral part of Roman political and legal culture in the Aeneid. Vergil's interpretationo f his contemporary history is made possible by the Roman concept of auctoritas, a theme which scholars have not yet fully addressed. Despite this positive interpretation of the gods and Roman history I am aware of the fact that for Vergil neither the gods nor Rome's history were per se good or beyond doubt. Although Aeneas is supported by Jupiter and Venus, he experiences divine hostility (Леи. 2. 257: fatisque deum [...] iniquis). Venus knows that "the gods' harshness" (Aen. 2.602: divum inclementia) caused the destruction of Troy, and Vergil himself, in despair and commiseration, exclaims about the civil war between Trojans and Latins: tanton placuit concurrere motu, Iuppiter, aeterna gentis in pace futuras? (A en. 12.503-4) This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 38 SabineG rebe Was it your will, О Jupiter, thatp eoples who were to live at peace for all time should clash so violently in war?7 Throughout the Aeneid, Juno is hostile toward Aeneas and the Trojans. Only in the last book is she finally willing to allow the Trojans to settle down in Italy (Aen. 12.807-841). In addition, Rome's prehistorya nd early history are marked by the destruction of Troy, the fratricidec ommitted by Romulus, and the rape of the Sabine women.8 Yet in the end, this dark side of history leads to a positive outcome. There would be no Rome, no Romans, and no Augustus without these appalling events. Apparently, in Vergil's view, violence, destruction and death are necessary for the establishment of something new and stable. In fact, the ambitious undertaking to create order implies a preceding state of disorder with which to compare and privilege the order. Thus, Vergil's reference to violence, destruction and death does not necessarily mean that the Aeneid presents a negative view of history. Aeneas, furthermore,h ad to fight against the Latins in order to fulfill his divine mission, namely, the foundation of a new city and a new people. Similarly, Augustus had to undertake the civil wars, initially against Caesar's assassins and then against Mark Antony, in order to create the principáte. Both Aeneas and Augustus founded political and cultural order out of disorder. They brought back stability and security after a period of war and destruction. Aeneas was able to establish a new home for his Trojan followers with the help of the gods. Vergil's likening of Augustus to Aeneas suggests that Augustus, too, can create order out of disorder, with divine support- this is the positive message of the Aeneid. 1 All translationasr e by David West( ed.), Virgil:T heA eneid:a New Prose Translation(L ondon1 991). An anonymourse fereoef t hisp aperm adem e awareo ft hesep roblems. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AugustusD' ivineA uthoritayn d Vergil'sA eneid 39 II. The Problematic Of Augustus' Unlimited Power a) The Problem of the Legitimacy of Monarchy in Rome Why was it important for Augustus' government to be traceable to a divine foundation? To respond to this question we must briefly examine the monarchy and the Republic in the Roman theory of politics. The Romans had an ambivalent attitude towards kingship.9 On the one hand, they were conscious of the Greek idea of kingship as the best form of rule. They were aware of the philosophical justifications of the monarchy.10M ost Roman kings were generally portrayed as good rulers: they were considered moral role models and the founders of important institutions (for instance, the division of the citizenry into tribes and the organization of the major priesthoods and the calendar). Many kings were praised in literaturea nd history and honored with statues on the Capitol." On the other hand, monarchy was linked to tyranny,o ppression and the usurpation of power after the Romans expelled the Tarquín kings in 510 ВСЕ. The last king, Tarquinius Superbus, was described as a tyrant who had illegally usurped authority.12 Kingship and freedom were considered exclusive of each other, with kingship associated with tyranny,i ts philosophical opposite.13 It was not the popular view but rather aristocratic ideology that perpetrated these associations. During the Republic the aristocratic ruling class was extremely suspicious of any charismatic individual who rose to power, particularly if the individual had popular support. In this context, the hostility towards kingship served as an excellent means of propaganda in daily political battles. Thus it is 9 ElizabethR awson," Caesar's HeritageH: ellenisticK ingsa nd TheirR oman Equals," JRS 65 (1975) 148-159, esp. 151. Francis Cairns, Virgil's AugustanE pic (Cambridgea ndN ew York 1989) 6-7. Rawson,1 51. Rawson,1 52f. " Cic. Rep. 2.44-46; Liv. 1.49.1-1.60.3( esp. 1.49.1-7);D ion. Hal. Ant.R om. 4.41.1-4.85.4( esp. 4.41.1-4). Rawson,1 49-152. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 40 SabineG rebe not surprising that the king-like pretensions of Julius Caesar startled the Roman elite. Eventually the elite, fearful of a monarchy, conspired to assassinate Caesar in 44 ВСЕ. As a consequence of the negative experience Romans associated with their last king, republican ideology subordinated the individual to overriding legal boundaries of power within which the individual had to make decisions. Three characteristic features of the Roman magistrates manifested these jurisdictional boundaries: the magistrates were elected, they exercised authority only temporarily, and they were organized into hierarchical colleges. Augustus' newly introduced autocratic rule, however, defined a new hierarchic relationship between individual and community. Augustus, however, acquired the authority that had formerly been distributed among many magistrates during the republican period. By 29 ВСЕ, no Roman enjoyed as much auctoritas as Octavian did, and, by the time he was Emperor he was pre-eminent among his fellow Romans. b) The Problem of the Legitimacy of Military Power Through his military and political achievements, Augustus acquires potestas. Vergil predicts the extraordinary spread of the Roman Empire under Augustus, who will "mark the boundaries of the empire with Ocean" (located at the edge of the earth) ( impérium Oceano.. .terminei, Aen. 1.287). In Anchises' prophecy to Aeneas about how far the Roman rule will extend throughout the world (Леи.6.794-805), it is said that Augustus will take Rome's power beyond the known bounds of the world: his empire will include even more lands than those seen by Hercules and Bacchus (both of whom had traveled to many distant parts of the world). Vergil also depicts Octavian celebrating a triumph over many defeated peoples: in the South, the Nomads and Africans; in the East, the Leleges, Geloni, Parthians, and Dahae; in the West, the Gauls; and in the North, the Germans {Aen. 8.724-728). The military conquests provide evidence of the grand size of Augustus' empire. Augustus completes all civil and foreign wars and, for this reason, closes the Temple of Janus, the symbol of complete peace This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AugustusD' ivineA uthoritayn d Vergil'sA eneid 41 14 ( Aen . 1.29 1-296). Vergil compares this peaceful situation with the Golden Age, which Augustus will reestablish in Italy {Aen. 6.792f.: aurea saecula). Re-establishing a Golden Age implies that for some period of time it has not existed. This, however, does not necessarily mean that Vergil has a negative view of Roman history. Rather, he seems to claim that it is possible to bring back a heavenly state after a disaster. Further,h e says that Augustus is the man who is able to restore Rome from its current,d evastating state of disorder. Augustus' military victories culminate in the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra in the Battle of Actium (31 ВСЕ). Vergil glorifies this crucial victory on several occasions: Augustus is "laden with the booty of the Orient" (Aen. 1.289: spoliis Orientis onustus), and "the troubled mouth of the sevenfold Nile is in confusion" (Aen. 6.800: septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili). He gives a detailed description of the Battle of Actium in Aen. 8.671-728, a passage to which I shall soon return. In sum, Vergil praises the military success which contributed to Augustus' power. But was his military and political power legitimate, and if so, in what way? Vergil's Aeneid sets out to explain why Augustus' potes tas was authoritative, and therefore legitimate. c) Unlimited Power There was another facet of the need to legitimize Augustus' power: Augustus had learned from Caesar's assassination how deeply rooted in the culture of the Roman aristocracy were republican ideas. With this in view, Octavian formally turned over the res publica to the "Senate and people of Rome" (senatus populusque Romanus) on January 13, 27 ВСЕ. He believed that if his supreme power were identified with auctoritas, he could guarantee order as well as his own powerful position in the state, and this confidence led him make this gesture of returningt he res 14 The closing of the Temple of Janus in times of completep eace had happenedu nderN uma, in 235 ВСЕ, threet imesu nderA ugustusa, nd off and on duringt hei mperiapl eriod. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 42 SabineG rebe publica and his extraordinary power to the Senate and people of Rome.15 He pretended to adopt the republican system by reinstating the magistrates, Senate, and the people in their old constitutional roles. Thus, Augustus' republican form of government concealed his de facto imperial power. In return,t he Senate granted him the position of impérium proconsulare. He received numerous honors, including the title "Augustus," a name etymologically connected with auctoritas. Augustus also received the golden shield ( clupeus aureus) which celebrated his virtues: courage, clemency, justice, and piety. Although Augustus claimed to have restored the res publica and to have become only primus inter pares, he effectively centralized unusual power in his own person. For example, he retained the consulship each year from 3 1 to 23 ВСЕ. He enjoyed the tribunician sacrosanctity ( sacrosanctitas ). As the "son of a god" (divi filius) and the member of the four major priesthoods, including the augurate, he gained an exceptional religious authority (augur, too, is etymologically linked to auctoritas ). In addition, the militarily most powerful provinces (Spain, Gaul, Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Egypt) were granted to Augustus. He was very popular among soldiers, veterans, new citizens, provincials, and the plebs urbana. In effect, his reign manifested a covert absolutism. d) Political Insecurity Despite his military and political power, Augustus' position remained politically insecure, as the princeps faced political opposition. The firstc risis of the principáte took place between 27 and 23 ВСЕ.16 In 27 ВСЕ, M. Licinius Crassus, a grandson of the triumvir,c hallenged Octavian' s authority by claiming to celebrate a triumph and by dedicating the spolia opima, spoils offered by a 15 KarlG alinskyA, ugustanC ulturea: n InterpretatiIvnet roductio(nP rinceton 1996) 17f. I confinem yselfo nlyt o thef irstc risisb ecause thisi s theo nlyo ne which happenedd uringV ergil's lifetimeL. aterc risesh appened,f ore xample,i n 18 ВСЕ and 2 ВСЕ (bothi nvolvingco nspiracieasg ainstA ugustusl' ife). This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AugustusD' ivineA uthoritayn d Vergil'sA eneid 43 Roman general who had killed an enemy leader in single combat, to Jupiter Feretrius. Octavian rejected the latter claim on the grounds that only the commander of the army was entitled to the spolia opima. In the same year Augustus had to sacrifice C. Cornelius Gallus, one of his closest associates. Octavian had appointed Gallus to be the firstp raefectus of the new province of Egypt. Gallus, however, exhibited excessive pride in his powerful position, considering himself successor to the pharaohs1 and the dynasty of the Ptolemies. When Augustus withdrew his favor and friendship, Gallus committed suicide. In the following year, Messala Corvinus was made urbis praefectus, but resigned after five days on the grounds of his incapacity to exercise the power of this office (ТасЛии.бЛ 1). Moreover, Augustus' steady effort to keep the loyalty of the plebs urbana, particularly after 27 ВСЕ, offers furthere vidence of his uncertainty that their loyalty would persist. Another sign of the continual political insecurity of the principáte was the case of M. Primus, proconsul of Macedonia (23 ВСЕ). When Primus was accused of having waged war on the Thracian Odrysians without the permission of the Senate, Primus claimed to have acted with the consent of Augustus and the ' princeps son-in-law. Marcellus. Augustus, however, denied that he had given such instructions and thereupon withdrew his support from M. Primus. Also in 23 ВСЕ, A. Terentius Varro Murena, Augustus' co-consul in 23, conspired against the Emperor. This conspiracy was uncovered in time, but the conspirators had been forewarned and, consequently were able to flee from Rome - Maecenas had reported the affair to his wife, Terentia, and Terentia had informed her brother, Varro Murena. In the same year, Augustus became seriously ill and the question of succession arose. There was a rumor that the princeps had designated a successor, thereby bypassing the Senate. In this tense situation 17 WernerE ck, The Age of Augustus( Oxford2 003, withn ew materialb y SaroltaA . Takács) [= Augustusu nds eine Zeit,M unich1 998. Translatedb y DeborahL ucas Schneider5] 2f. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Mon, 2 Dec 2013 20:29:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions