Atharvavedins in Tantric Territory The A¯n˙girasakalpa Texts of the Oriya Paippala¯dins and their Connection with the Trika and the Ka¯l¯ıkula WithcriticaleditionsofthePara¯japavidhi,thePara¯mantravidhi, andthe*Bhadraka¯lı¯mantravidhiprakarana . AlexisSanderson ¯ Introduction: The Rise of Agamic Ritual The early medieval period, from the fifth century onwards, saw the S´aivism of theMantrama¯rgarisetopre-eminenceastheprincipalbeneficiaryofpatronage throughouttheIndiansubcontinentandinmuchofSoutheastAsia. Amongthe religiousspecialistswhomwewouldexpecttohavebeenadverselyaffectedby this development were those brahmins, Atharvavedins or adherents of other Vedas versed in the rituals of the Atharvaveda, who had long been appointed toofficeasthepersonalpriestsofrulers(ra¯japurohitah.),performingtheirconse- crationceremonies(ra¯jya¯bhis.ekah. andpus.ya¯bhis.ekah.)andawiderangeofrituals, regular and occasional, for the protection of the kingdom and the thwarting of itsenemies.1 Itisnotpossibletoestablishfromtheevidenceknowntomehowfarthisof- fice was overshadowed or diminished by the rise of S´aivism in particular king- doms and periods. But encroachment by S´aiva officiants into ritual territory long reserved to it is clear from the literature that sets out the rituals that they should or may perform when occasion arises. The S´aivas prescribed their own form of royal consecration ceremony, to be performed by their officiants for a king who had received S´aiva initiation; they offered a full range of apotropaic, protective, and hostile rituals, both Saiddha¯ntika and S´a¯kta S´aiva, for which kingswerethenaturalpatrons;andtheyhadintheNetratantradetailedinstruc- tions for a class of officiants whose practice shadowed or took over most of the functions in which the brahmanical ra¯japurohitah. operated, including the per- formanceontheking’sbehalfofhisdailyandperiodicworship. The Netratantra, I have argued, is a Kashmirian work, and there is no evi- dence that it was followed widely outside Kashmir itself. It is possible, there- fore, that it had little or no impact on the practice of courts in other regions.2 Moreover, while the practice of giving S´aiva initiation to kings is well and widely documented from the seventh century onwards, that of following this 1OnthequestionoftheVedaoftheking’spersonalpriestseenn.28and29onp.204below. 2Onthefunction,provenance,date,andinfluenceoftheNetratantraseeSANDERSON2005b. 196 ALEXIS SANDERSON ceremony with a S´aiva adaptation of the brahmanical royal consecration is evidenced only in prescriptive sources, namely in the tenth-century Naimitti- kakarma¯nusam. dha¯na of Brahmas´ambhu (the earliest surviving Paddhati of the S´aiva Mantrama¯rga) and the Kashmirian Kala¯d¯ıks.a¯paddhati, a work originally composed by Manodadatta in the fourteenth century but in its present form much expanded by later additions of uncertain date, of which that pertaining to the post-initiatory royal consecration is one.3 However, the abundance of instruction in the S´aiva literature in the performance of rituals of propitiation to bring about results (siddhih.), hostile and other, for the benefit of kings and the state, the emergence among the Vais.n.avas during these same centuries of an extensive A¯gamic literature, in the form of the Pan˜cara¯tra scriptures, which offered a repertoire of rituals very similar in style, range, and function to those of the S´aiva Mantrama¯rga, and the pervasive evidence of a decline during this periodinthesponsoringofVedicritualandacorrespondingincreaseinthepa- tronage of the new religions encourage us to look within the literature of the Atharvavedinsthemselvesforevidenceofadaptationtothesechanges. The Atharvavedaparis´istas .. There can have been no realistic hope of reversing the drift of centuries away from Vedic ritual.4 We may surmise, therefore, that the Atharvavedins’ only viable strategy was to respond to the altered expectations of their royal clients by adding S´aiva and Vais.n.ava rituals to their repertoire, composing or appro- priatingtextsthatprescribethemandaddingthesetothecorpusoftheirsacred literature.5 Evidence of the co-opting and embedding of S´aiva practice by the Athar- vavedins is already present in the collection of ancillary tracts known as Atharvavedaparis´is..tas. For they include an adaptation of the Pa¯s´upata obser- vance (Paris´is..ta 40: Pa¯s´upatavrata), and the Ucchus.makalpa (Paris´is..ta 36), which details fire sacrifices for supernatural ends that invoke Ucchus.marudra and the Ucchus.marudras with Mantras of a S´aiva character.6 But there the phe- nomenon is marginal and the S´aivism involved is either pre-Mantrama¯rgic, as 3FortextualandepigraphicalevidenceofthegivingofS´aivainitiationtokingsandonthe textualevidenceofS´aivaroyalconsecrationseeSANDERSONforthcoming. 4ThefutilityoftheVaidikas’hopeforarenaissanceoftheirtraditionthatwouldenablethem toprevailovertheS´aivasandPa¯n˜cara¯trikaVais.n.avassupportedbythecourtisdeftlyportrayed bytheKashmirianphilosopherJayantabhat.t.aaroundtheendoftheninthcenturyintheprelude tothefourthactofhisplayA¯gamad.ambara(‘MuchAdoAboutReligion’). 5ComparetheincorporationofprescriptionsofSaiddha¯ntika,Daks.in.a,andS´a¯ktaritualsin theUttarabha¯gaoftheLin˙gapura¯n.adiscussedinSANDERSON2005b,p.235,n.10. 6See BISSCHOP and GRIFFITHS 2003 for an introduction to and an edition and annotated translation of Paris´is..ta 40 on the pa¯s´upatavratam. Rightly judging as exaggerated the view of WEBER(1858,p.339)thatthewholecollectionispermeatedbysectariandevotiontoRudra,they ATHARVAVEDINS IN TANTRIC TERRITORY 197 in the case of the Pa¯s´upata observance, or probably so, as in the case of the Ucchus.marudra rites. Ucchus.ma, ‘Desiccating [Fire]’, was well-established in the early Buddhist Mantranaya as a wrathful subduer of demons,7 and, more specifically,asthedeityinvokedtoremovetheimpurityofleft-overs(ucchis..tam) and human waste by devouring them.8 In the S´aiva Mantrama¯rga the as- list the Ucchus.makalpa and the text on the ko.tihomah. (Paris´is..ta 31) as the only other documents inthecollectionthatbearonthecultofRudra-S´iva(p.317). Ihaveomittedthelattersinceits S´aivacharacterislimitedtotheframe-storyoftherevelationofthisritual. Theritualitselfhas nospecificallyRaudraorS´aivacharacteristics. 7WeseeUcchus.mainthisroleintheBuddhistMaha¯balasu¯tra,whereheisidenticalwiththe wrathful, four-armed, fat-bellied(lambodara)deity Maha¯bala. Thistext wastranslatedinto Ti- betanbyS´¯ılendrabodhi,Jinamitra,andYeshessdearoundAD800,andintoChineseinAD983 (Taisho¯ 1243, KBC 1097; see LANCASTER 1979, p. 377a, giving AD 933; LINROTHE 1999, p. 60, note6,correctingthedate),andnumerouscopiesofthisscripture,inbothlanguages,havebeen foundintheDunhuangcaves(STRICKMANN2002,p.156).In§18ofthatworkVajrapa¯n.iteaches Bhu¯ta¯dhipatitheMan.d.alaofUcchus.makrodhawithitssecret. ThelatteristheMantrathatfol- lows: OM. VAJRAKRODHAMAHA¯BALAHANADAHAPACA...LAMBODARAUCCHUS.MAKRODHA HU¯M. PHAT. A AM. MA HAN˙ SVA¯HA¯. HethenteachesthatanyonewhoentersthisMan.d.alawill attain success in all he does. He will not suffer untimely death. His body will be immune to assaults and sickness. He will never be tormented by demons. In §13 the Mantrapadas OM. VAJRAKRODHA MAHA¯BALA DAHA HANA PACA ... LAMBODARA UCCHUS.MAKRODHA HU¯M. PHAT. SVA¯HA¯ are said to protect against every species of demon. In §12 a ray emerges from S´a¯kyamuniandMa¯racomeswithallhisdemonhordes. Ucchus.maappearsandterrifiesthem. Three texts of the exorcistic Ucchus.ma cult in Chinese are attributed to the translator A zhi da san (Ajitasena), a North Indian who worked in Anxi in the Turfan region of Central Asia in the first half of the eighth century: the Wei ji jin gang jin bai bian fa jing (KBC 1264, Taisho¯ 1229), the Wei ji jin gang shuo shen tong da man tuo la ni fa shu ling yao men (KBC 1265, Taisho¯ 1228), and the Da wei li wu chu se mo ming wang jing (KBC 1266, Taisho¯ 1227). For the exorcis- ticandtherapeuticcontentsofthefirstandthirdofthesesee STRICKMANN 2002,pp.156–161. Thethree‘translations’werepresentedinAD732(LANCASTER1979,p.421b;DEMIE´VILLEetal. 1978,p.236a[s.v.Ashitsudassan]). LINROTHE(1999,pp.51–54)proposeswithduecautionthat Maha¯bala/Ucchus.ma may be the identity of the two four-armed wrathful figures, squat and full-bellied, that attend two sculptures, one of Avalokites´vara and the other of Vajrapa¯n.i, that flanktheentranceporchofMonasteryIatRatnagiriinOrissa,assigningthemtotheperiodAD 600–700. 8Forthelatterrolesee,e.g.,STEIN1973,pp.465–466;Sam. varodaya8.38cd:utsrs..tabalisam. ha¯rya ˚ bhu¯tam ucchus.ma da¯payet; and, in the Esoteric Buddhism of the Far East, STRICKMANN 1996, pp.248–249;2002,pp.156–63. ThereheisknowninChineseasWeijijingangandinJapanese asEshakukongo¯,meaning‘theVajra-being(jingang,kongo¯)ofImpure(wei,e)Traces(ji,shaku)’ or ‘the Vajra-being of Impure (wei, e) Accumulations (shaku)’ and in Japan also as Fujo¯ kongo¯ (‘the Vajra-being [kongo¯] of Impurities [fujo¯]’), Joe-funnuson (‘the venerable [son] wrathful one [funnu] who purifies [jo] impurities [e]’), and Ususama Myo¯o¯ (Ucchus.mavidya¯ra¯ja) (FRANK 1991, p. 158). In Japan he became the deity whose presence purifies latrines (STRICKMANN 2002,p.156). SeealsotheMantrainMaha¯balasu¯tra§14,inwhichheiscommandedto‘stopall impurities’,andtheaccountofthesubjectionofRudra/Mahes´varainthe15thchapteroftheTi- betanRnyingmapaMaha¯yogatantraGsangba’isnyingpo,inwhichHerukadevoursMahes´vara andexcreteshimintheformofanoceanoffilthwhichUcchus.mathenswallows(STEIN 1974, p. 511). A version of the Pa dma thang yig, the Bka’ thang gser phreng of Sangs rgyas gling pa composed in 1341 or 1389 (STEIN 1995, p. 124), relates that Ucchus.ma was rewarded after the subjection of Rudra by being given a place at the edge of the Man.d.ala as the receiver of the 198 ALEXIS SANDERSON sociation of Ucchus.ma with the elimination of impure substances is seen in the Nis´va¯saguhya, which makes Ucchus.marudra preside in a city of iron that bears his name in the first of the subterranean paradises known as the Pa¯ta¯las. This, we are told, is the destiny of souls who have allowed the substances left from S´iva’s worship to fall to the ground. Here they worship Can.d.es´a (/Can.d.es´vara), the ferocious Gan.a of S´iva to whom such remnants are to be offered in Saiddha¯ntika worship, in order to remove the danger they pose.9 Moreover, the Vais.n.ava Vara¯hapura¯n.a declares that those who follow the im- pure forms of Rudra worship (raudram. s´aucavarjitam), which it defines as those otherthanthatlaiddownintheVeda-congruent[Saiddha¯ntika]Nis´va¯sasam. hita¯, are to be seen as Ucchus.marudras (ucchus.marudra¯s te jn˜eya¯h.).10 This is proba- bly to be understood as ‘Rudras addicted to the consumption of impure sub- stances’, an interpretation supported by a variant reading of this passage as it is cited by Ran˙gara¯ma¯nuja in his commentary Bha¯vapraka¯s´ika¯ on Sudars´ana’s S´rutapraka¯s´ika¯ on Ra¯ma¯nuja’s S´r¯ıbha¯s.ya on Brahmasu¯tra 2.2.42, where these be- ingsaretermedUcchis.t.arudras‘Rudrasof[pollutant]remnants’(ucchis..tarudra¯s te jn˜eya¯h.).11 Further, the Picumata/Brahmaya¯mala is also known as the Tantra of Ucchus.ma (ucchus.matantram, tantram ucchus.masam. bhavam),12 and this name alludes to the strict indifference to impurity or rather to the cultivation of con- remainsoftheofferings(STEIN 1973,p.466). IthankmycolleagueMiyakoNotakeofWaseda UniversityforherhelpwiththeJapanesenames. 9Nis´va¯saguhya ff. 54v6–55r1: a¯yas¯ı prathama¯ bhu¯mi pur¯ı bhasma ... | ... yasya na¯gasya tatha¯ ucchus.marudrayoh. |ucchus.metipur¯ıkhya¯ta¯a¯yas¯ıharmama¯lin¯ı|can.d.¯ıs´am. pu¯jayant¯ıhanirma¯lyapatane gata¯h.. Theformcan.d.¯ıs´ah. hereisevidentlyaMIA-influencedAis´avariantofcan.d.es´ah.. 10Vara¯hapura¯n.a 71.50–56b (Ed. and Ran˙gara¯ma¯nuja, Bha¯vapraka¯s´ika¯ on S´rutapraka¯s´ika¯ on S´r¯ı- bha¯s.ya2.2.42[R];versenumbersofEd.): 50evamabhyarthitastaistupura¯ham. dvijasattama¯h. |veda- kriya¯sama¯yukta¯m. krtava¯n asmi sam. hita¯m | 51 nih.s´va¯sa¯khya¯m. tatas tasya¯m. l¯ına¯ ba¯bhravyas´a¯n.d.ila¯h. | *alpa¯para¯dha¯ ity ev˚a s´es.a¯ baid.a¯lika¯bhavan (R:alpa¯ra¯dha¯c chrutvaiva gata¯ baid.a¯lika¯ bhavan Ed.) | 52 mayaiva mohita¯s te hi bhavis.yam. ja¯nata¯ dvija¯h. | (Here Ed. has an extra line, lacking in R: laulya¯rthinas tu s´a¯stra¯n.i karis.yanti kalau nara¯h.) 53 nih.s´va¯sasam. hita¯ya¯m. hi *laks.ama¯traprama¯n.atah. (R:laks.ama¯tram. prama¯n.atah. Ed.) | saiva pa¯s´upat¯ı d¯ıks.a¯ yogah. pa¯s´upatas *ca sah. (R:tv iha Ed.) | 54 etasma¯d vedama¯rga¯d dhi yad anyad iha ja¯yate | tat ks.udrakarma vijn˜eyam. raudram. s´aucavivarjitam | 55 ye rudram upaj¯ıvanti kalau baid.a¯lika¯ nara¯h. | (Extra line in Ed. here, repeating Ed.’s 52cd) *ucchus.marudra¯s (Ed.:ucchis..tarudra¯s R) te jn˜eya¯ na¯ham. tes.u vyavasthitah. ‘O best of brahmins, in the past when they requested me [to give them some scripture for the Kali Age] I created the Nih.s´va¯sasam. hita¯,whichincludestheritualsoftheVeda. ThentheBa¯bhravyasandS´a¯n.d.ilasfol- lowedit,fortheiroffence[againsttheVeda]hadbeenless.Therest[,whoseoffencewasgreater,] became religious frauds. For I myself had deluded them, O brahmins, knowing the future. It isintheNih.s´va¯sasam. hita¯,whoseextentisbut100,000[verses],thatthisPa¯s´upatainitiationand meditation[havebeenrevealed]. Knowthatwhatever[teaching]comesintobeingthatisother than[this]pathoftheVedaistheRaudra,basepracticevoidofpurity. Knowthatthosefrauds wholiveoffRudraintheAgeofKaliareUcchus.marudras. AmongthemIdonotdwell’. 11Cf.thesubstitutionofMahocchis.t.a¯ forMahocchus.ma¯ reportedbelowinn.141onp.277. 12Picumata f. 21r2–3 (4.255): rakta¯ kara¯l¯ı can.d.a¯khya¯ mahocchus.ma¯ tathaiva ca | ucchus.matantre na¯ma¯ni guhyaka¯na¯m. na sam. s´ayah.; f. 185r5 (colophon of Pat.ala 36): ity ucchus.matantre picumate; f.1v2(1.3cd): yatparam. su¯citam. devatantramucchus.masam. bhavam;f.5r2(2.14cd): atha¯toma¯tara¯m. vaks.yetantreucchus.masam. bhave. ATHARVAVEDINS IN TANTRIC TERRITORY 199 tact with impurity as a means to power and liberation that characterizes this scripture. But in spite of these connections I am not aware of any S´aiva Kalpa that could have served as the prototype of the rites of the Ucchus.marudras seeninAtharvavedaparis´is..ta36. Moreover,theAtharvavedicUcchus.makalpadoes not conform closely to the Mantrama¯rgic model. The Mantras taught in the Kalpacompriseone forself-protection(a¯tmaraks.a¯)followedby formulasinvok- ing protection of the four cardinal directions, the zenith, and nadir, with blows from the weapons of their respective guardian deities, an Ucchus.mahrdaya, ˚ an Ucchus.mas´ikha¯, a Kavaca, and an Astramantra, and a long Mantra for japah.. The Hrdaya, S´ikha¯, Kavaca, and Astra bring to mind the Mantrama¯rgic ˚ model in which these are the names of the Ancillaries of any main Mantra (mu¯lamantrah.);buttheyarenotpresentedhereinthatrole;norarewegiventhe S´iras or S´iras and Netra that complete the set of those Ancillaries in the rituals of the Mantrama¯rga.13 Nor do we find instructions for the installation of these Mantras (nya¯sah.) on the hands and parts of the body, or for the visualization of the deity (dhya¯nam), both features fundamental to any properly Mantrama¯rgic Kalpa. Furthermore the style of the Mantras is strongly reminiscent of a type that has a much earlier history, being seen, for example, in the Mantrapadas of theBuddhistMaha¯ma¯yu¯r¯ıvidya¯ra¯jn˜¯ı,14thefirsttwoChinesetranslationsofwhich werelistedintheQinlu,acatalogueoftheperiodAD350–431,accordingtothat compiledbyYuanzhaoin AD 800.15 The third section (khan.d.ah.) of the Maha¯gan.apatividya¯, a long Mantra in ten sections recited to ward off assault by demons, Yogin¯ıs, and the like, and pre- served in the ritual tradition of Kashmir, summons the aid of Ucchus.marudra and ends with an invocation of the Ucchus.marudras.16 However, this too, 13OntheancillaryMantrasinMantrama¯rgicS´aivismseeBRUNNER1986. 14Thus, for example, in the japamantrah. of the Atharvavedic Ucchus.makalpa we have (9.3) NAMAH. KAT.AVIKAT.AKAN.T.EMA¯T.EPA¯T.ALEVIKALEASAURYA¯SAUASAURYA¯SAUPRTHIV¯IS.T.A- ˚ KA¯ IS.T.AKA¯JINA¯TYU¯NYO SAUGALUM. TIGALUM. TE KAT.AM ASI KAT.APRAVRTE PRADVIS.A RUDRA ˚ RAUDREN.A¯VES´AYA¯VES´AYA HANA HANA DAHA DAHA PACA PACA MATHA MATHA VIDHVAM. - SAYA VIDHVAM. SAYA VIS´VES´VARA YOGES´VARA MAHES´VARA NAMAS TE ’STU MA¯ MA¯ HIM. - S¯IH. HUM. PHAT. NAMAH. SVA¯HA¯. This may be compared with Maha¯ma¯yu¯r¯ıvidya¯ra¯jn˜¯ı, pp. 23, l. 22–24, l. 12: AKAT.E VIKAT.E HARIN.I HA¯RINI DHARAN.I DHA¯RAN.I HUKKE HUKKE VUKKE VUKKE HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA AMITRA¯N MAMA SARVASATTVA¯NA¯M. CA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA AHITAIS.IN.O MAMA SARVASATTVA¯NA¯M. CA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PRATYARTHIKA¯M. MAMA SARVASATTVA¯NA¯M. CA .... ComparealsotheUcchus.ma- kalpa’sMantraforself-protection(1.4)S´IVEJAT.ILEBRAHMACA¯RIN.ISTAMBHANIJAMBHANIMO- HANIHUM. PHAT. NAMAH. SVA¯HA¯ withHARIHA¯RIN.ICALICA¯LINITRAMAN.ITRA¯MAN.IMOHANI STAMBHANIJAMBHANISVAYAMBHUVESVA¯HA¯ inMaha¯ma¯yu¯r¯ıvidya¯ra¯jn˜¯ı,p.15. 15TheMaha¯ma¯yu¯r¯ı’stwoearliestChinesetranslations, ofunknownauthorship, areKBC305 (Taisho¯ 986) and KBC 306 (Taisho¯ 987). For Yuan zhao’s report see LANCASTER 1979, p. 113a. There are also early Chinese translations by Kuma¯raj¯ıva (KBC 304, Taisho¯ 988), produced be- tween AD 402 and 412 (LANCASTER 1979, p. 112b), and San˙ghabhadra (KBC 307, Taisho¯ 984), producedbetweenAD502and520(LANCASTER1979,p.113b). 16Maha¯gan.apatividya¯, pp. 57–58: OM. BHAGAVATE UCCHUS.MARUDRA¯YA SAPTADV¯IPES´VARA¯- 200 ALEXIS SANDERSON like the Atharvavedic Ucchus.makalpa, is not properly Mantrama¯rgic. Similar Mantras are found in the S´aiva exorcistic tradition preserved in such works as theKriya¯ka¯lagun.ottara,buttheytoohaveanarchaicstylethatprobablypredates theMantrama¯rga.17 ¯ The An˙girasakalpa However,thereisanotherrelevantcorpus,onethathasreceivedlittlescholarly attention, which is preserved in a number of A¯n˙girasakalpa manuscripts now YA HA¯RAKAT.AS´AR¯IRA¯YA S´ARAN.AKRTAS´AR¯IRA¯YA MANUS.YAS´AR¯IRAM A¯VES´AYA 2 PRAVES´A- ˚ YA KHAT.VA¯N˙GAM. DRA¯VAYA 2 SVARU¯PAM. DARS´AYA 2 MA¯HES´VAR¯IM. MUDRA¯M. GRHN.A 2 KA¯- ˚ PA¯L¯IM. MUDRA¯M. BHAN˜JAYA 2 VAIS.N.AV¯IM. MUDRA¯M. *DA¯RAYA (conj.:DHA¯RAYA Ed.) 2 S´I- VADU¯TIRU¯PAM. DARS´AYA 2 JAYA 2 JVALA 2 PRAJVALA 2 KAD.D.A 2 SPHOT.A 2 *PRAHARA (conj.:PRAHARAN.A Ed.) 2 YAKS.O VA¯ RA¯KS.ASO VA¯ BHU¯TO VA¯ PRETO VA¯ PIS´A¯CO VA¯ KU¯S.MA¯- N.D.O VA¯ APASMA¯RO VA¯ PRETAYA¯MIN¯I VA¯ MATHA 2 MOCAYA 2 KAMPAYA 2 VIDHVAM. SAYA 2 PRAMA¯N.ARU¯PIKA¯M. DARS´AYA2BRA¯HMAN.¯IVA¯ KS.ATRIY¯IVA¯ VAIS´Y¯IVA¯ S´U¯DR¯IVA¯ CAN.D.A¯L¯IVA¯ CARMAKA¯R¯I VA¯ MA¯LA¯KA¯R¯I VA¯ MA¯TAN˙G¯I VA¯ PUKKAS¯I VA¯ CA¯MUN.D.¯I VA¯ YOGIN¯I VA¯ MAHA¯- YOGIN¯I VA¯ A¯KA¯S´AGA¯MIN¯I VA¯ BHUVANAVA¯SIN¯I VA¯ PA¯TA¯LAVA¯SIN¯I VA¯ VAUS.AT. PHAT. 2 SVA¯- HA¯. OM. NAMAH. S´¯IGHRAGAMANA¯YA AKS.ARA¯YA TRINETRA¯YA TRIS´U¯LAHASTA¯YA HRDGATA¯- ˚ YA MANTRA¯YA MANTRAVRATA¯YA *SVAHRDAYA¯YA (conj.:SUHRDAYA¯YA Ed.) *SVAHRDGATA¯- ˚ ˚ ˚ YA(conj.:SUHRDGATA¯YAEd.) A¯GACCHA2UCCHUS.MARUDREBHYAH. SVA¯HA¯. trt¯ıyah. khan.d.ah.. 17Compare,˚for example, the Vidya¯ra¯ja of the Rudra Khad.gara¯van.a in the˚ Khad.gara¯van.a- kalpa of the Kriya¯ka¯lagun.ottara, f. 45v4–46r1 (the same Mantra is found with minor differences in the tradition of the Keralan Mantrava¯dins; see the anonymous Tantrasa¯rasam. grahavya¯khya¯- na, pp. 186–187 and the Tantrasa¯rasam. grahamantravimars´in¯ı of Svarn.agra¯ma Va¯sudeva, vol. 1, p. 179): OM. NAMO PAS´UPATAYE NAMO BHU¯TA¯DHIPATAYE NAMO RUDRA¯YA LA LA LA LA KHAD.GARA¯VAN.ABALAM. VIHARA2SARA2NRTYA2VALGA2SPHOT.AYA2S´MAS´A¯NABHASMA- CARCITAS´AR¯IRA¯YA GHAN.T.A¯KAPA¯LAMA¯hLA¯i˚DHARA¯YA VYA¯GHRACARMAPAR¯IDHA¯NA¯YA S´A- S´A¯N˙KAKRTAS´EKHARA¯YA KRS.N.ASARPAYAJN˜OPAV¯ITINE *HANA 2 CALA (conj.:NACALA Cod.) ˚ ˚ 2VALA2VALGA2ANIVARTAKAPA¯LINE*HANA2(conj.:HANACod.)BHU¯TA¯NTRA¯SAYA2MA- N.D.ALAMADHYE KAD.D.A 2 RUDRA¯N˙KUS´ENA SAMAYAM. PRAVES´AYA 2 A¯VA¯HAYA 2 CAN.D.A¯SI- DHA¯RA¯DHIPATIRUDRO JN˜A¯PAYATI SVA¯HA¯; andthatoftheRudraLohakaintheLohakakalpaof thesamework,f.59r3–60r1: OM. NAMO BHAGAVATE RUDRA¯YA OM. NAMO LOHAKA¯YA CIPIT.A- NA¯SA¯YA AS.T.ABHUJAMAHA¯LOHAKA¯YA APARIMITABALA*PARA¯KRAMA¯YA (corr.:PARA¯KRAMA- YA Cod.) ES.AKIS.AYA¯YA MAHA¯*DAM. S.T.ROTKAT.A¯YA (corr.:DAM. S.T.ROTKAT.AYA Cod.) EHI 2 LO- HAKA IDAM. DUS.T.AGRAHAM A¯VES´AYA SAMAYAM. PRAVIS´AYA 2 A¯VIS´AYA 2 SAM. KRA¯MAhYA 2i MAHA¯BHAIRAVARU¯PABHOBHOLOHAKAIMAM. CAN.D.A¯LAGRAHASYAS´IRASTROT.AYATROT.A- YA GR¯IVA¯M. MOT.AYA 2 HRDAYAM. *MOT.AYA (conj.:MOMOT.AYA Cod.) 2 BHINDA 2 MUDRA¯hM.i ˚ CHINDA 2 DAHA 2 PACA 2 KUD.D.A 2 GARJA 2 HURU VURU 2 MAHA¯GAN.APATIRU¯PAM. DARS´A- YA 2 HASTA¯N PA¯DA¯N GRHN.A 2 SAMAYAM *ANUSMARA (corr:ANUSMARAM. Cod.) CAN.D.A¯- LAM ANUPRAVES´hYiOTTH˚ A¯PAYA 2 BHRA¯MAYA 2 DUS.T.AGRAHAM. TRA¯hSAiYA 2 VIDRA¯hVAiYA A¯VES´AYA 2 SVASTHA¯NAM A¯VES´AYA PUN.YENA SARVASATTVA¯hNi A¯VES´AYA 2 DEVA¯N A¯VES´A- YA 2 TATHA¯ KATHAYA 2 *TRAILOKYAVA¯RTA¯M. (corr.:TRAILOKYA¯VA¯RTTAM. Cod.) KATHAYA 2 MAHA¯BHAIRAVA*D.A¯MARA (conj.:D.A¯M. V Cod.) APRATIHATAGATE AMOGHASARVAKARMA- KARASIDDHALOHAKASARVAKARMAKARASATTVA¯hNiA¯VES´AYASIDDHhYiAAMOGHAMAHA¯- BALAPARA¯KRAMA AJITASARVASATTVASA¯DHANA MAHA¯BHAIRAVA LOHAKA SIDDHISA¯DHANA (conj.:SIDDHASA¯DHANA Cod.) AVIKALPA MAMA †BHU¯BHRTYAMA¯NASYA† KRODHOTPANNAH. ˚ †ASA¯SA¯DHANA†MAHA¯GAN.ARUDROJN˜A¯PAYATISVA¯HA¯. ATHARVAVEDINS IN TANTRIC TERRITORY 201 or formerly in the possession of brahmins of Orissa following the Paippala¯da recension of the Atharvaveda,18 members of a community of such brahmins found in numerous settlements from the Ganjam district in South Orissa to the East-SingbhumdistrictinthesoutheasterncorneroftheStateofJharkhandjust beyondOrissa’snorthernborder,withconcentrationswithinOrissaaroundthe former royal seats of Puri, Narasinghpur, Bhadrakh, Kendujharghar, and Bari- pada.19 For the manuscripts that I have seen, which do not transmit a single, constant work but contain varying but overlapping collections of texts, con- sistalmostentirelyofinstructionintheproceduresofhostileritualthroughthe propitiation of post-Vedic Mantra-deities following Tantric rather than Vedic liturgicalmodels. Oneofthese,apalm-leafmanuscriptintheOriyascriptfrom the home of the Paippala¯din Da¯modara Mis´ra of Asimil.a¯ village in the Balesh- war District of Orissa, was transcribed and published in 2003 by the Oriya scholarUma¯ka¯ntaPAN. D.A¯ asthePaippala¯davas´a¯dis.a.tkarmapaddhati‘Directionson theSix[Hostile]RitesbeginningwithSubjection,accordingtothePaippala¯da[- Atharvaveda]’.20 Thiswasthestartingpointofmyresearchinthisfield. TheaffiliationofthesetextstothePaippala¯darecensionoftheAtharvaveda is proclaimed in many cases through the device of presenting them in the for- mat of instruction given by An˙giras in answer to questions put to him by the sage Pippala¯da; and the priest selected by the Yajama¯na to perform the rituals taughtinthemisidentifiedasaPaippala¯din(atharvaveda¯ntargatapippala¯das´a¯kha¯- dhya¯y¯ı) in the formula of intention (sam. kalpah.) that is to be recited before the ritualcommences.21 18The only work on this corpus known to me is a pioneering but very short article by BAHULKAR (1987) in which he briefly outlines the contents and character of two A¯n˙girasa- kalpa manuscripts, both used by me here (P and P ), gathers the few existing references to 1 2 theA¯n˙girasakalpainDa¯rila’sandKes´ava’scommentariesontheAtharvavedicKaus´ikasu¯tra,and inSa¯yan.a’sintroductiontohiscommentaryontheS´aunakaAtharvavedasam. hita¯,andconcludes thatourworkmustbedifferentandlater. 19For this distribution and a list of Paippala¯da-Atharvavedin settlements in the region see GRIFFITHS 2002, p. 37 and WITZEL and GRIFFITHS 2002. It is probable that the Paippala¯dins reached Orissa from Bengal, having migrated there from Gujarat. As Kei Kataoka observes in this volume (p. 324), it is not impossible that there were already Paippala¯dins in Bengal c. AD 700. The earliest evidence, with positive S´a¯kha¯ identification, of their presence in Orissa isacopper-plateinscriptionofthetenthcenturyfromthecentralOrissankingdomofUbhaya- khin˜jaliman.d.alarecordinggrantstothreePaippala¯dins,ofwhomtwoaresaidtohavemigrated therefromcoastalOrissa(Od.ra)(GRIFFITHS2002,pp.41–43).ThepresenceofAtharvavedinsin coastalOrissaatleastacenturyearlierisestablishedbyacopper-plateinscriptionoftheOrissan BhaumakarakingS´ubha¯karadeva,whichrecordsagrantoftwovillagestosome200brahmins of specified Veda, of whom about a quarter were Atharvavedins (see Annette Schmiedchen’s contributioninthisvolume,nos.12and13). Thoughtheinscriptiondoesnotindicatetowhich schooltheybelonged,thattheywerePaippala¯dinsisatleastprobable. 20Thistitleadequatelydescribesthework’scontentbutisfoundnowhereinthemanuscript, whichcomestousasanuntitledcollectionoftexts. 21Paippala¯davas´a¯dis.a.tkarmapaddhati p. 124: amukasagotram atharvaveda¯ntargatapippala¯das´a¯- kha¯dhya¯yinamamukas´arma¯n.am. bra¯hman.amamukasagotrah. amukadevas´arma¯ ra¯ja¯ mamaamukapha- 202 ALEXIS SANDERSON The colophons of some of the texts in this open corpus declare them to be works of human authorship or citations from such works, namely the Prapan˜casa¯raattributedtoS´an˙kara¯ca¯rya,theS´a¯rada¯tilakaofLaks.man.ades´ika,the Mantramukta¯val¯ı of Pu¯rn.apraka¯s´a, the [Mantra]devapraka¯s´ika¯ of Vis.n.udeva, the A¯sur¯ıd¯ıpika¯ of Bhu¯dhara, the Tantra¯dhya¯ya of the Karmasamuccaya, the Laks.an.a- samuccaya, the A¯nus..tubhakalpama¯la¯ of S´es.a, and the Paddhati of Va¯manabhava- da¯sa or Va¯mana and Bhavada¯sa (the Va¯manabhavada¯s¯ıya). But those of most of therestassignthemtotheA¯n˙girasakalpa,oftenidentifiedsimplyastheA¯n˙girasa, thereby claiming that in spite of their manifestly Tantric content they are prop- erly Atharvavedic. For the A¯n˙girasakalpa (a¯n˙girasah. kalpah., an˙girasa¯m. kalpah.), alsoknownastheAbhica¯rakalpa(‘TheKalpaofHostileRitual’),isamongthefive Kalpas that had been said since early times to constitute the ancillary literature oftheAtharvaveda,namely(1)theNaks.atrakalpa,(2)theVita¯nakalpa,alsocalled Vaita¯nakalpa or Vedakalpa (/veda¯na¯m. kalpah.), (3) the Sam. hita¯kalpa (/sam. hita¯na¯m. kalpah.),alsocalledSam. hita¯vidhi,(4)theA¯n˙girasakalpa,and(5)theS´a¯ntikalpa.22 la¯rtham. ... amukakalpoktam. mama karma kartum ... a¯ca¯ryatvena tva¯m aham. vrn.e ‘I, the king, N- ˚ devas´arman, being of such and such a Gotra, choose you, N-s´arman, a brahmin of such and suchaGotra,astudentofthePippala¯dabranchoftheAtharvaveda,tobetheofficianttoper- formformesuchandsucharitualtaughtinsuchandsuchaKalpaforsuchandsuchabenefit ...’. ThesamespecificationisseeninP1,f.46v3: amukadevas´arman.ebra¯hman.a¯yaatharvaveda¯m. tar- gatapippala¯das´a¯kha¯dhya¯yine. 22See Upavars.a’s lost commentary on the M¯ıma¯m. sa¯su¯tra as quoted in the 11th century by Kes´ava of Malwa in his Kaus´ikapaddhati on 1.8: upavars.a¯ca¯ryen.oktam. m¯ıma¯m. sa¯ya¯m. smrti- pa¯de kalpasu¯tra¯dhikaran.e “naks.atrakalpo vaita¯nas trt¯ıyah. sam. hita¯vidhih. | caturtho ’n˙girasa¯m. kalp˚ah. ˚ s´a¯ntikalpas tu pan˜camah.” iti. ete kalpa¯ vedatulya¯ hi iti bhagavatopavars.a¯ca¯ryen.a pratipa¯ditam. anye kalpa¯h. smrtitulya¯h. ‘Upavars.a¯ca¯rya has said the following [in his commentary] on the M¯ıma¯m. - ˚ sa¯[su¯tra],inthesectionontheKalpasu¯trasintheSmrtipa¯da:“[ThefiveKalpasare]theNaks.atra- kalpa, the Vaita¯na, third the Sam. hita¯vidhi, fourth the˚an˙girasa¯m. kalpah., and fifth the S´a¯ntikalpa”. The venerable Upavars.a¯ca¯rya has taught that these Kalpas are equal [in authority] to S´ruti, whereas all other Kalpas have the status of Smrti’. The verse quoted here is also attributed ˚ to Upavars.a by Sa¯yan.a in the Atharvedasam. hita¯bha¯s.ya, vol. 1, p. 25 (with the variant turya a¯n˙girasah. kalpah.); and it has been incorporated into the corpus of brahmanical scripture as 2.5.4 of the Vis.n.udharmottarapura¯n.a. Synonymous variants of this verse appear in the Vis.n.u- pura¯n.a(3.6.13c–14b: naks.atrakalpoveda¯na¯m. sam. hita¯na¯m. tathaivaca|caturthah. sya¯da¯n˙girasah. s´a¯nti- kalpas´ ca pan˜camah.) and, with badly defective metre, in the Caran.avyu¯ha ([Atharvavedaparis´is..ta 49]4.7: pan˜cakalpa¯ bhavanti. naks.atrakalpovaita¯nakalpastrt¯ıyah. sam. hita¯vidhih. | caturthaa¯n˙girasah. ˚ kalpah. s´a¯ntikalpas tu pan˜camah.; cf. also the version of this same defective verse in the corre- sponding section of the Caran.avyu¯hopanis.ad, in Arlo Griffiths’ contribution to this volume). TheNa¯radapura¯n.a(Pu¯rva¯rdha, 51.2–8b)bothliststhemanddefinestheirsubjectmatter: (1)the Naks.atrakalpaasdealingwiththeasterismsandtheirpresidingdeities(seeAtharvavedaparis´is..ta 1,whichdealswiththeseandtheirvariouseffects,particularlyonthefatesoftherulersofvar- iousnations);(2)theveda¯na¯m. kalpah. (=Vaita¯nakalpa)ascomprisingtheVidha¯natextsofthefour Vedas (Rgvidha¯na etc.), setting out the special fire-rites using Vedic mantras for supernatural ˚ effects (see Vis.n.udharmottarapura¯n.a, Khan.d.a 2, chapters 124–127, which gives Vidha¯na texts for all four Vedas; cf. p. 188 in Arlo Griffiths’ contribution to this volume); (3) the Sam. hita¯vidhi as specifying the sage (rs.ih.), metre (chandah.), and presiding deity (devata¯) of each of the various Atharvanic Mantras;˚(4) the S´a¯ntikalpa as teaching the ritual procedures for countering the ef- fectsofportentsofallkinds(cf.,e.g.,Vis.n.udharmottarapura¯n.a,Khan.d.a2,chapters132–144);and ATHARVAVEDINS IN TANTRIC TERRITORY 203 The term pan˜cakalpah. in the meaning ‘one who studies the five Kalpas’ is already given in the Maha¯bha¯s.ya of Patan˜jali; and it appears in the Na¯ra¯yan.¯ıya of the Maha¯bha¯rata in the meaning ‘possessing the five Kalpas’ with reference to the Atharvaveda itself.23 The contents of our Orissan A¯n˙girasakalpa corpus demonstratebeyonddoubtthatitisnotthelosttextofthattitleknowntothese early works.24 But by taking on this title it asserts that it is; and in this capacity itaddstheclaimthatofallthefiveKalpasitistheforemost.25 ¯ The Officiants of the An˙girasa Rituals TheAtharvavedicpriestswhocreatedandemployedthesetextsdidsotoautho- rizeandguideritualsthattheyexpectedtobeengagedtoperformforthecourt. ForwithafewexceptionsthatbearontheirpersonalworshipthisA¯n˙girasakalpa corpus comprises rituals in which the king is the sponsor and beneficiary (ya- jama¯nah.), in which the principal stated aims are to subjugate, immobilize, or destroy his enemies,26 and in which the king’s duty to gratify these officiants (5)theA¯n˙girasakalpaassettingouttheritualsofthesixkindsofhostilesorcery(s.a.tkarma¯n.i).This isaccurateforitems1,4,and5,butnotfor2and3. Anold,widelyattested,andmoreplausible tradition takes the Vaita¯nakalpa to be the Vaita¯nasu¯tra, the S´rautasu¯tra of the S´aunaka recen- sion of the Atharvavedasam. hita¯, and the Sam. hita¯vidhi to be the Kaus´ikasu¯tra, the Atharvavedic Grhyasu¯tra. Sam. hita¯vidhi in this sense is regularly employed in the Kaus´ikapaddhati, Kes´ava’s ˚ commentaryonthattext,asinitsopeningwords: atharvavedasyasam. hita¯vidhervivaran.am. kriya- te. ItisalsosupportedbySa¯yan.a¯ca¯rya,Atharvedasam. hita¯bha¯s.ya,vol.1,pp.25–27,andfollowed byBLOOMFIELD(1884,pp.376–378)andothers,e.g.MODAK(1993,p.124). AsBAHULKARhas pointed out (1987, p. 572), the name is appropriate, because the Kaus´ikasu¯tra goes beyond the range of other Grhyasu¯tras by setting out the ritual applications (vidhih.) of the Sam. hita¯ of the ˚ Atharvaveda. 23Maha¯bha¯s.ya on 4.2.60: sarvasa¯der dvigos´ ca lo vaktavyah.. sarvavedah. sarvatantrah.. sava¯rttikah. sasam. grahah.. pan˜cakalpah. dvitantrah.; Maha¯bha¯rata 12.330.34 (Vis.n.u speaking): pan˜cakalpam atha- rva¯n.am. krtya¯bhih. paribrm. hitam | kalpayanti hi ma¯m. vipra¯ atharva¯n.avidas tatha¯ ‘Likewise learned ˚ ˚ brahmins expert in the Atharvaveda conceive of me as that Veda rich in Krtya¯s with its five ˚ Kalpas’. 24This is also the opinion of BAHULKAR (1987, p. 579). Seeing the Tantric character of the contentsofthetwoA¯n˙girasamanuscriptsintheBORI,Pune,andthefactthattheritualsofthese manuscripts,unlikethoseofthesectiononhostilerites(abhica¯rah.)inthesixthAdhya¯yaofthe Kaus´ikasu¯tra,arenotbasedonthedomesticNew-moonandFull-moonsacrifice,heconcluded that this A¯n˙girasakalpa cannot be the work of that name known to Da¯rila, the author of the Kaus´ikasu¯trabha¯s.ya, Kes´ava, the author of the Kaus´ikapaddhati, and Sa¯yan.a, and surmised that it may have been composed after the disappearance of the S´aunaka A¯n˙girasakalpa to fulfil the needsofthePaippala¯dinsofOrissaforthefifthKalpa. 25A¯n˙girasa, P2 f. 3v1–2: iti putren.a sam. tus..tah. prova¯ca munir an˙gira¯h. | kalpam a¯n˙girasam. na¯ma pan˜cakalpes.u cottamam. ‘Thus, being pleased with his son [Brhaspati], the sage An˙giras taught [him]theKalpacalledA¯n˙girasa,theforemostofthefiveKalp˚as’. 26See,e.g.,Paippala¯davas´a¯dis.a.tkarmapaddhatip.3: vas´abhedam. pravaks.ya¯mis´atruh¯ınonrpoyatah. | ˚ ra¯jn˜o yasya *vas´e (em.:vas´et Ed.) sarvam. tasyes..tam. kim. na siddhyati; p. 4: tato vicaks.an.o ra¯ja¯ vas´a- karman.itatparah. | sapatna¯nvas´ama¯n¯ıyabhun˙ktera¯jyamakan..takam; p.5: tasma¯jjigamis.um. bhu¯pam. 204 ALEXIS SANDERSON withhonours,land-grants,jewels,gold,andgrainisrepeatedlystressed.27 It is therefore probable prima facie that the priests who performed these rit- uals did so as holders of the office of the king’s personal priest (ra¯japurohitah.). For all sources that speak of the qualifications required of that official rule ei- ther that he should be an Atharvavedin28 or that he should be an expert in the rituals of the Atharvavedic tradition.29 The latter formulation may have been jn˜a¯tva¯ stambhanam a¯caret; p. 5: ripu¯n.a¯m. mohanam. caitad ra¯jn˜a¯m. bahumatam. bhavet | mohito hi na s´aknoti pratikartum. parakriya¯m; p. 18: ra¯ja¯ ra¯jyajaya¯ka¯n˙ks.¯ı s´r¯ınrsim. ham. prapu¯jya ca; p. 26: nrpasya bhavana¯c cha¯la¯m ais´a¯nya¯m. dis´i ka¯rayet; p. 27: tasma¯d ra¯ja¯ vi˚s´es.en.a s´r¯ınrsim. haparo bhavet˚| yato nirupasargah. san sarva¯bh¯ıs..tam ava¯pnuya¯t; p. 35: daks.in.a¯m. bhu¯patir dadya¯˚t kartrtrptikar¯ım. punah. | ˚ ˚ nrpo digvijayam. kurya¯d idam. yantram. vidha¯rayan; p. 36: tasma¯d ra¯ja¯ yada¯ s´atrum. balinam. jetum ic˚chati | tada¯tharvavidam. pra¯jn˜am etam. homam. ca ka¯rayet; p. 36: s´r¯ınrsim. has´ ca devah. sya¯t karta¯ ca¯tharvan.ah. sudh¯ıh. | ra¯ja¯ ced vis.n.ubhaktah. sya¯j jayas tasya kare sthitah.˚; p. 41: tato nrpes´varo v¯ıro maha¯jayapara¯yan.ah. |brahmaveda¯rthatattvajn˜am. ka¯rayetamaha¯jayam;p.56:ra¯ja¯sarvavas´˚am. ka¯n˙ks.ann a¯sur¯ım. sarvada¯ japet; p. 59: ma¯ran.am. karma kurv¯ıta ra¯ja¯ ra¯s..trasukha¯vaham; p. 63: a¯sur¯ıti tato dev¯ı ra¯jakarmasug¯ıyate;p.70: etanmantram. sada¯ japtva¯ nis´cintora¯jyabhugbhavet;p.81: a¯tmotsa¯dakaram. s´atrum. yuddhejetumapa¯rayan |des´araks.a¯karora¯ja¯ ma¯rayedbalinam. ripum; p.109: maha¯b¯ıjam. japan ra¯ja¯ jayam eti na s´am. sayah.; p. 111: athava¯ yuddhasamaye yantram etat svasam. nidhau | kenacid dha¯rayedra¯ja¯ labhate*vijayas´riyam(corr.:vijayam. s´riyamEd.). Seealson.21onp.202. 27Paippala¯davas´a¯dis.a.tkarmapaddhatip.4: atharvavedatattvajn˜am. tasma¯dra¯ja¯ prapu¯jayet|sada¯tm¯ı- yam. prakurv¯ıta yasya haste vas´a¯dikam; p. 7: *bahubhir (corr.:bahubhi Ed.) dravin.air vastrair na¯na¯- ratnair vibhu¯s.an.aih. | pu¯jayitva¯ tatah. pas´ca¯d vidhina¯ vrn.uya¯d dvijam; p. 13: tatkumbhava¯rin.a¯ca¯ryo ’bhis.in˜cet tam. nara¯dhipam | tato ’smai daks.in.a¯m. dadya¯˚d yatha¯sau paritus.yati; p. 23: tasma¯n nara- patir vidva¯n da¯nama¯na¯dibhir dvijam | turyaveda¯rthatattvajn˜am a¯tm¯ıyam. kurute sada¯; p. 61: nrpo ’smai daks.in.a¯m. dadya¯d dhanas´a¯.thyam. vivarjayet | ratnam. gra¯mavaram. dha¯nyam. ya¯na¯ni kanak˚a¯ni ca; p. 65: tato ’bhis.iktah. nrpatir dadya¯d vipra¯ya daks.in.a¯m | ratnam. suvarn.am. dha¯nya¯ni ya¯na¯ni ca vasundhara¯m; p. 131: tas˚ma¯d ra¯ja¯ vis´es.en.a atharva¯n.am. budham. dvijam | da¯nasam. ma¯nasatka¯rair nityam. samabhipu¯jayet (echoing Atharvavedaparis´is.ta 4.6.3: tasma¯d ra¯ja¯ vis´es.en.a atharva¯n.am. jiten- driyam | da¯nasam. ma¯nasatka¯rair nityam. samabhipu¯jayet); p. 146: evam. vijayam a¯sa¯dya ra¯ja¯ mantra- vide tatah. | pradadya¯d *daks.in.a¯m. (em.:daks.in.a¯ Ed.) s´res..tham. gra¯mam. tattrptika¯ran.am; p. 147: a¯ca¯rya¯ya nivedayet | svarn.am. ratnam. ca dha¯nyam. ca ya¯nam. gra¯mam. gava¯m.˚ s´atam; P2 f. 31v2: dadya¯ccadaks.in.a¯m. tasmaisahasram. s´atamevava¯ |gava¯m. suvarn.anis.ka¯n.a¯m. bhu¯mim. *casasyas´a¯lin¯ım (conj.:ca¯tyas´as´a¯lin¯ım. Cod.). 28 Vis.n.udharmottarapura¯n.a 2.5.3: dvivedam. bra¯hman.am. ra¯ja¯ purohitam atharvan.am | pan˜cakalpa- vidha¯najn˜am. varayeta sudars´anam ‘The king should choose as his chaplain a handsome Athar- vavedinbrahminwhoisversedin[atleast]twoVedasandknowstheritualsofthefive[Athar- vavedic]Kalpas’;andapassageinthesouthernrecensionoftheMaha¯bha¯rataafter12.72.2ofthe critical edition (Appendix I, No. 8), especially ll. 6–7: brahmatvam. sarvayajn˜es.u kurv¯ıta¯tharvan.o dvijah. | ra¯jn˜as´ ca¯tharvavedena sarvakarma¯n.i ka¯rayet ‘An Atharvavedin brahmin should serve as the Brahman priestin all[the king’s]Vedic sacrificesand shouldhave allthe [necessary]rites performedforthekingfollowingtheAtharvaveda’. 29 See, for example, Arthas´a¯stra 1.9.9: purohitam uditoditakulas´¯ılam. sa¯n˙ge vede daive nimitte dan.d.an¯ıtya¯m. ca¯bhivin¯ıtam a¯pada¯m. daivama¯nus.¯ın.a¯m atharvabhir upa¯yais´ ca pratikarta¯ram. kurv¯ıta ‘[The king] should appoint as his personal priest one who is of noble family and conduct, skilled in the Vedas, their ancillary disciplines, portents, and the administration of justice, and able to counteract calamities of divine and human origin with the methods of the Athar- vaveda’; Ya¯jn˜avalkyasmrti 1.313: purohitam prakurv¯ıta daivajn˜am uditoditam | dan.d.an¯ıtya¯m. ca ˚ kus´alamatharva¯n˙girasetatha¯ ‘Heshouldappointashispersonalpriestonewhoisexpertinpor- tents [and the averting of their consequences], who is of exalted family, and who is expert both in the administration of justice and in the pacifying and hostile rites [of the Atharva-