CCiittyy UUnniivveerrssiittyy ooff NNeeww YYoorrkk ((CCUUNNYY)) CCUUNNYY AAccaaddeemmiicc WWoorrkkss Publications and Research John Jay College of Criminal Justice 2012 CCiittiizzeenn BBuunnkkeerr:: AArrcchhiiee BBuunnkkeerr aass WWoorrkkiinngg--CCllaassss IIccoonn.. Kathleen Collins CUNY John Jay College How does access to this work benefit you? Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/jj_pubs/125 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Citizen Bunker: Archie Bunker as Working-Class Icon Kathleen Collins In 1968, American television producer Norman Lear read a Variety review of the British sitcom Till Death Do Us Part, which featured a bigoted working-class man and his family living in London’s East End. The show’s concept—especially the notion of a father and son-in-law in constant political and ideological conflict—struck a chord with Lear, and he went about getting the rights to produce an American rendition in the U.S. The result was one of the most popular television programs in U.S. history, All in the Family (1971–1979 CBS). Elemental to any study of All in the Family is a survey of the time period in which it aired and which it conveyed. Working class representation on television was meager in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and Lear’s project loudly broke the silence. The show provided opportunities for discourse about class, race, gender, ethnicity, and stereotypes of all stripes. It was a show about a working class man who—paradoxically or not— viewers saw only in the context of his family and who was ambiguously proffered as a hero and anti-hero. After two decades of an American functional-family, happy-ending sitcom stronghold where reality was intentionally kept at bay, All in the Family opened the floodgates. The show did not achieve its status without considerable controversy from the start focused on the show’s central character, Archie Bunker. The patriarch of the Bunker 1 family, Archie (Carroll O’Connor) has been referred to alternately as an “everyman” (Stein 1974, 311) and an “angry-man type” (Arlen 1975, 89) with “hard hat prejudice” (Bettie 1995, 142). The program had a galvanizing effect on mainstream culture and the national consciousness, with Archie symbolizing an era and a personality type. The name Archie Bunker itself, throughout the decades since, has remained synonymous with a blue-collar, racially chauvinistic mentality. All in the Family premiered on CBS at a dynamic point in U.S. history. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the country as a whole was undergoing a tumultuous period politically and culturally, characterized broadly by conflicts over the Vietnam War, a sexual revolution, and a counterculture movement. Lear assembled the overriding feelings of the nation surrounding these issues and planted them in the show. All in the Family communicated “cynicism, satire, protest, anger, doubt, bitterness, despair, and nostalgia…[which] could not have succeeded at the apogee of the Kennedy New Frontier, the period of limitless hope, faith, optimism, vigor, and expectation,” writes Howard Stein. “All in the Family is a product of the twilight of the New Frontier, the Great Society, and Imperial America” (Stein 1974, 281). It was the negative afterimage of the American Dream seen on the 1950s sitcoms like Father Knows Best (1954–1960 CBS), Leave it to Beaver (1957–1963 CBS/ABC) and I Love Lucy (1951-1957 CBS) (as well as the conservative and/or family-values oriented shows in the 1980s like The Cosby Show [1984–1992 CBS]). “The Nelsons and Cleavers were advertising and embodying the American dream,” writes Ella Taylor, “portraying the middle-class family as an essential building block of a benign social order. … The robustly working-class Bunker household was never a model of consumer vitality, nor did it aspire to be” (1989a, 17, 2 24). Where shows like these celebrated a consumerist ethic, All in the Family embraced a challenging agenda that meshed with the prevailing American mindset and the goals of some of the more forward-thinking television producers and sponsors. All in the Family was groundbreaking on a number of levels (notably tackling contemporary issues of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, politics, etc.), but perhaps the most underappreciated factor was that it represented a return of the working class to American TV screens when it premiered in January 1971. Archie Bunker is in many ways reminiscent of his not-too-distant blue-collar 1950s predecessors Ralph Kramden, Chester A. Riley, and Jake Goldberg.1 Between 1958 and 1970, however, there were no domestic sitcoms representing the blue-collar working class (Butsch & Glennon 1983, 80) with the exception of the animated Fred Flintstone (The Flintstones, 1960-66 ABC). Even outside of that particular dry spell working-class families were in short supply from the 1940s through the 1980s (Butsch 1992, 389). Work—that is to say, Archie at work—is not actually visible on All in the Family. Lynn Berk writes, “While All in the Family has been touted and viewed as a show about working-class people, there is little about working-class life and culture in the show” (1977, 30). While this is accurate in that there is virtually no explicit work presented in the show, All in the Family is fully about working-class life and its enveloping culture. Though we never see Archie at his job (whether as a loading dock foreman or part time cab driver), work is the essence of the show, implied or discussed or worried about in every episode. The audience is privy to, as Howard Stein describes, “Archie’s uneasy preoccupation with work” (1974, 296). In this Archie resembles his forbears Kramden, Goldberg and Riley (Lipsitz 1986, 370, 377), where later shows, like Roseanne (1988-97 3 ABC) and King of Queens (1998-2007 CBS) would be more likely to occasionally show characters at work given technological production advancements as well as shifting sitcom trends. Viewers immediately understand the socioeconomic context presented on All in the Family, and the notion of Archie as a working man and as a working-class man underpins the show. Just as a character need not announce, “I am black” or “I am white,” nor does he need to announce his social class if indeed the conventions of character portrayal are well executed. Archie was “a palpable working-class figure, recognized by his syntax, his body language, his gruff, semi-articulate speech that parodied the results of working-class culture,” writes Stanley Aronowitz (1992, 199). Likewise, the aesthetics of the set design—worn-looking and drab furniture and clothing—disclose the lack of means within the Bunker household. In spite of its scarcity in number, the working-class male has long been a television staple and broad character type. The stereotype, that of an immature, inept, bungling buffoon who is surpassed in competence by his spouse or other family members, is still embedded in American popular culture (Butsch 1992, 391; 2003, 575). Though television has offered a more inclusive and often more nuanced array of working class sitcom characters in the intervening decades (e.g. Roseanne, Everybody Hates Chris [2005-09 UPN/CW]), the buffoon has persisted in various degrees in the fictional characters of Homer Simpson (The Simpsons, 1989-present Fox), Hank Hill (King of the Hill, 1997-2009 Fox) and Al Bundy (Married with Children, 1987-97 Fox). Indelible images exist for complex reasons. Barbara Ehrenreich describes the media’s late 1960s “discovery” of the existence of the working-class majority and their professed embarrassment at their own prior blindness. She theorizes that the media and 4 intellectual elite needed a “new folk hero” to essentially voice their own rising conservatism (1989, 99-101). While that dynamic may have some play, what is more obvious is that, as is customary for the medium, networks keep recycling the tried working class buffoon to avoid risk and ensure commercial success (Butsch 2003). All in the Family was a risk taken intentionally by CBS in 1970 because its president, Robert Wood, realized the network desperately needed to innovate in order to capture the desired youthful baby boom demographic (Butsch 1992, 388; Adler xx-xxiv; Gitlin 1985, 208- 17). Though Archie did embody a number of the working-class buffoon characteristics— lack of education, malapropisms, imprudent schemes—Lear’s choice of subject matter helped mitigate an all out replica of the stereotype. This is but one of the ways that Archie differed from his blue-collar antecedents. All in the Family was not the first sitcom to “break the blue-collar boycott” (Marc 1997, 178). Arnie appeared on CBS five months prior to Archie. Arnie, like Archie, was a loading dock worker. Unlike Archie, Arnie’s was a fish-out-of-water rag-to-riches tale (not unlike The Beverly Hillbillies) where the title character was promoted in his job and provided with the cultural trappings of the managerial middle class. “Lear, however, supplied no such deus ex machina to lift Archie Bunker out of load-dock Hades to the Olympus of white-collar bourgeois security,” writes David Marc. “Archie drove a cab part-time on weekends, got laid off, suffered inflation, got mugged, lost his home- owner’s insurance, and went on strike. … Archie shlepped the baggage of mass man through an incomprehensible clutter of social contexts” (1997, 179-80). Arnie did not stand a chance on TV against Archie, who made an impact in large part because he could 5 not extricate himself from his class or his circumstances. This entrapment rang true with American viewers. Just as Arnie’s unrealistic class-jumping premise prevented him from taking hold, so the rural comedies (e.g. The Beverly Hillbillies, Green Acres, Mayberry R.F.D.) and superficial middle-class representations were losing ground with viewers. With All in the Family, “the ‘age of relevance’ was ushered in” (Taylor 1989a, 19). A close adherence to reality was important to Lear, as it had been to creator Johnny Speight in the British version (Miller 2000, 142). There were other shows that dealt with topicality previously: dramas The Defenders (CBS 1961–1965) and East Side, West Side (CBS 1964–1965) and variety shows Laugh-In (NBC 1968–1973) and The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour (CBS 1967–1968). Similarly Dragnet 1967 (NBC 1967–1970) and The Mod Squad (ABC 1968–1973) incorporated news events into their storylines. But topicality in a sitcom, especially serious and contentious issues such as race, class, feminism, sexuality, politics, and generational conflict, was a novelty (and ironically, despite the reality-based matter, considered creative). The issues and problems addressed on All in the Family were recognizable to many Americans, a marked departure from preceding sitcoms (“Do you recognize anyone on Green Acres?” asked one journalist in 1971 (Alan Bunce, “All in the Family: TV Social Departure,” Christian Science Monitor, January 18, 1971, reprinted in Adler 1979, 83). Though critics argued that Archie’s persona was hyperbolic,2 thus much of the controversy about stereotyping the working class as bigots, the subject matter was not. Unemployment, hate crime, sexual assault, menopause, infidelity, addiction, religious intolerance, and mortality were real world issues all taken on by Lear. 6 All in the Family came along at a pivotal point not just in national history but in television history as well. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, executives made a concerted and calculated shift towards a demographic programming strategy. Without the realization that such an approach was seen as necessary to save faltering network ratings and reputations, All in the Family may not have been picked up by CBS. The show was expected to appeal to the young as well as to the disaffected. The timing was perfect since the media was anxious to hold up the working-class demographic after having admittedly ignored them for too long. The push and prominence of the labor movement in the country also added to the show’s relevance. The working class was not only absent from television for a decade, but it was a neglected segment of the population who felt powerless and angry (Carroll 1990, 58).3 The reappearance of the working class in televised fiction—heralded by the presence of the Bunkers—corresponded to a revival in the nation at large where workers often took center stage. It seemed for a moment that the 1970s had the potential to be labor’s decade. Labor historian Jefferson Cowie describes “a broad blue-collar revival in the 1970s, as working-class America returned to the national consciousness through strikes, popular culture, voting booths, and corporate strategy” (2010, 2). Domestic sitcoms in the 1950s proffered, as Ella Taylor explains, “a postwar ideology breezily forecasting steady rates of economic growth that would produce abundance sufficient to eliminate ethnic and class conflict” (1989a, 17). Lear’s program, on the other hand, reported real problems. Where 1990s sitcom Seinfeld (1989–1998 NBC) was “a show about nothing” and the minutiae of daily life, All in the Family was its polar opposite. For the Bunkers, Taylor writes, “almost every problem generated an all- 7 out war of ideas” (1989a, 25). The plots and themes resonated in both specific and larger, cultural ways. “.…All in the Family, for all its flaws,” writes Richard Adler, “helped us to see what was happening to ourselves and our society” (1979, xxxix). Jefferson Cowie referred to the show as “a sort of national therapy session as the generations, the races, the genders, and the classes clashed over post-sixties values and politics” (2010, 9). Therapy, of course, is not to be equated with an easy or painless cure, and the “session” coordinated by All in the Family was more akin to a combination of gestalt and primal scream varieties. The triumphant return of the working class to TV garnered relatively little contemporaneous attention. Despite the fact that Lynn Berk referred to All in the Family as “the first [working-class comedy on American television] in which class status is the dominant comic device” (1977, 29), the obvious fact of the Bunkers’ social class was overshadowed by Archie’s attitudes about race and ethnicity. Archie was frequently referred to as a “lovable bigot,”4 a term many critics argued was an oxymoron. Voluminous evidence on both sides—some believed that satirizing the character of Archie was a clever and effective approach to bigotry while others argued it was a legitimization—illustrates the firestorm that erupted upon meeting Archie Bunker in 1971.5 Nevertheless, Lear’s decision to make Archie a working-class character set the tone of the entire show and comprised its fabric. The Bunker family is referred to in turn as “working class” and “lower middle class,” (Dwight Newton, “Introduction to a Bigot,” San Francisco Examiner, January 12, 1971, reprinted in Adler 1979, 81), and indeed their circumstances invited varying perspectives. The Bunkers lived in a Queens, New York, neighborhood that seemed a place some working class members would see as desirable— 8 neighboring houses were close together, but they had space within, enough to house their grown children. “[T]he fact that the Bunkers live in a detached single-family dwelling is enough to bestow upon them the middle-class status of alrightniks,” writes David Marc (1997, 181). But these potentially mixed messages were not the stuff of letters to the editor or water-cooler talk the way that audiences two decades later seemed indignant over the minimally employed Friends (1994–2004 NBC) with their impossibly large apartments in Manhattan’s high-rent West Village. Just before the show’s second season, American novelist Laura Hobson wrote a reproachful critique of All in the Family in the New York Times (“As I Listened to Archie Say ‘Hebe’…,” September 12, 1971) focusing on the damaging effects of bigotry wrapped in comedy. Lear defended himself in the same publication a month later (“As I Read How Laura Saw Archie…,” October 19, 1971), but it was not until Hobson’s son wrote a letter to the editor in response to Lear that there was any mention of class. “[I]t is a peculiar irony that one of the most vicious stereotypes in our society is not a racial, but class stereotype—that of the racist worker, the reactionary hardhat,” wrote Christopher Hobson. “This is a stereotype very comforting to the middle and upper classes in their suburbs, so much more thoroughly segregated than, say, the working-class East Side of Detroit where I live. … This, perhaps, is All in the Family’s most notable contribution to the culture of bigotry in the United States” (New York Times, November 7, 1971). Christopher Hobson echoes Ehrenreich’s theory, implying that the working class was used as a patsy. Because concurrent audience research studies explored reactions to Archie’s character based on respondents’ race, ethnicity, gender, and preexisting racial attitudes 9