ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICA, 1920-1960 APPROVED: , /xA Or Major Professor Minor Processor ector of the Departm f History Dean of the Graduate School ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICA, 1920-1960 THESIS Presented, to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement® For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Dew&rd C. Brown, B. A, Denton, Texas January, 1966 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. POSITION OF THE CATHOLIC IN THE 1920'S . . .. 1 II. A CATHOLIC CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT 32 III. ANTI-CATHOLICISM BETWEEN SMITH AND KENNEDY . . 60 IV. A CATHOLIC IS ELECTED PRESIDENT 34 V. CONCLUSION 115 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . .. 122 iii CHAPTER I POSITION OF THE CATHOLIC IN THE 1920TS As the decade of the "roaring twenties" opened, anti- Catholicism was prevalent. It was a mood confronting Alfred E. Smith in th® latter part of the decade* Not a new nativist attitude, anti-Catholicism had passed through two major phases during th© nineteenth century: th© Know-Nothing Era of the 1350*s and the heyday of the American Protective Association in th© lS90's. The latter declined about 1900, and, while anti-Catholic sentiments were in evidence during the Progressive Era, no major organized movement emerged. It was during World War I that a surge of patriotism prepared a suitable seedbed for more radical ideological movements. Part of that patriotism entailed a new ideology— the belief that all citizens should exhibit "one hundred per cent" Americanism. The Ideology demanded universal conformity in political and cultural attitudes. The result was a cul- tural nationalism occasionally amounting to a national hysteria which often curtailed individual freedoms. When the war ended, much of the hysteria subsided, yet significant aspects of the ideology remained impressed on the American mind. The strong sense of nationalism survived along with the intolerant insistence on 100 per cent Americanism, A new ingredient was isolationism. The war seemed to prove that European civilization was chaotic and corrupt and that further involvement with Europe would bring only entanglement in a net of confusion and decay. While these two attitudes thrived in immediate post-war America, the influx of large numbers of immigrants from Europe continued. Since 1896, the majority of immigrants had come from the southern and eastern portions of Europe, whereas prior to that time most immigrants cam® from northwestern Europe—England, Germany, and Scandinavia. Americans considered the culture of the "newer" immi- grants alien, while they believed the culture of the "older" immigrants to be more in accord with our institutions.^ Many 1 The following immigration figures are from United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census, Historical Statis- tics of the United States (Washington, D. C., I960), p. 56. Southern and Northwestern Eastern Europeans Europeans 1895 108,667 149j669 1896 191,545 151,712 1897 126,279 104,553 1898 138,673 90,626 This trend continued in post-war America as Illustrated below. 1920 159,297 86,998 1921 513,813 138,551 %aldwyn Jones, American Immigration (Chicago, I960), pp. 256-258. Americans, therefore, clamored for measures to restrict the number of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, When, in 1920, the census showed that more people lived in urban than rural places,-* there was an intensification of opposition to unrestricted immigration. This trend in the direction of greater urbanization only stimulated the senti- mental nostalgia for a rural way of life. If immigrant® flocked to cities, and they did, it strengthened the convic- tion of many Americans that they were undesirable. In addition to the attitudes on immigration, the "Red Scare" of 1919-1920 symbolized the rampant nationalism prevalent at the close of World War I, Afraid that Communism was threatening their government, many Americans defined the danger broadly. They stigmatised as Communists any who did not conform to the post-war ideology. The public considered labor strikes as evidence of Coaaiiunlst activities, and often suspected routine public and private meetings as being Communist inspired. In reaction to the Red Scare, the federal government deported numerous alien communists and removed suspected periodicals from the mails, while local and state govern- ments raided meetings and conducted searches without war- rants ^ Another illustration of the tone of the post-war 3Bureau of Census, Historical Statistics, p. 14* %ark Sullivan, Our Times. 6 vols. (New York, 1925), VI, 167-172. ideology was the infamous trial of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Yanzetti, Italian anarchists accused of murdering a paymaster in Massachusetts, The whole trial appeared extremely unfair since much of the evidence was circumstantial while the judge and jury seemed biased.^ Many liberals and conservatives regarded the trial as an example of how innocent men could be sentenced to death for political and economic beliefs. Several events in 1920 indicated that anti-Catholicism flourished in this atmosphere of resurgent nationalism and nativism. One such incident was the notorious senatorial campaign of Tom Watson in Georgia. Watson had been active in Georgia politics for the past generation as a Congressman and influential newspaper editor-publisher. A remnant of the Populist era, Watson had obtained prominence among rural constituents on anti-Catholic platforms from 1910 to 1915. Still a rabid anti-Catholic in 1920, Watson revived the "tested and proved" Catholic issued He toured Georgia by automobile and spoke to large crowds, Watson was using the same tactic he had employed in 1914 when he wrote, "I have forced the popery issue into Georgia politics, where it is now cutting a wide swath to the consternation of the old-line politicians,n? He insisted that Catholic priests ruined the ^Ibld., p. 174. ^C. Vann Woodward, Tom Watson; Agrarian Rebel {New York, 1936), p. 473. ?Ibid.» p. 426. "Mixing Politics and Religion," Lit- erary Digest, LXXF (December 16, 1922), 34. virtue of women while in the privacy of confession. He warned of a desire by the Pope to establish political control over the United States and of the thousands of women in Catholic convents at the mercy of priests and monks. One of Watson'a chief tools in the 1920 campaign was his attack on the Wilson administration. He incorporated anti-Catholicism into his criticism of Wilson in hopes of securing a larger following. He pictured Wilson as the pup- pet of the Vatican and accused Wilson's secretary, Joseph P. Tumulty, of being an agent of the Pope. An observer of the campaign noted, "Watson proclaimed and induced thousands of his credulous followers to bolieve that the League /of Nations/ was an agency through which the Vatican seeks to impress a Romanist and Jesuit super-government upon the world.Despite the fact that almost all Georgia daily newspapers opposed Watson's senatorial bid, he won by an overwhelming majority. His victory cannot be attributed entirely to anti-Catholicism, but the outcome of the election called attention to the grow- ing menace of religious intolerance in the United States.^ Alabama also mirrored an increase of anti-Catholicism in 1920. Thomas E. Kilby won the governorship that year by con- vincing the voters that he was the best opponent of the Pope.10 d Charles P. Sweeney, "Bigotry in the South," The Nation, CXI (November 24, 1920), 5$ 5. 9Ibld, 10Xbid* The Alabama legislature enacted a law requiring the state police to inspect Roman Catholic convents regularly and ask all women if thoy were being held against their will. An anti-Catholic group won control of the Birmingham city government in 1920 and fired every Catholic city employee except two policemen. The newspapers in Birmingham pur- posely refrained from attacking bigots, a move in itself that encouraged bigotry. Describing anti-Catholicism in Alabama, one contemporary writer asserted! "It has become a matter of almost routine necessity in Alabama for candi- dates for public office to make announcements of their stand against Catholicism. An incident in which a Catholic priest was murdered evidenced bigotry on the rampage in Birmingham. Reverend Father James E. Coyle, pastor of St. Paul's Roman Catholic Church, was shot to death by a Protestant minister because he had married the murderer's daughter in a Catholic ceremony. Moreover, the murderer was acquitted by a Birmingham Jury. Clearly, Alabama's anti-Catholicism con- sisted of more than a few isolated incidents, it was a "predominate state of mind. The South was not alone in attacking Catholics. In the spring of 1920 the Sons and Daughters of Washington was 11Ibid., p. 5^6. 12 A** P Smm Charles P. Sweeney, "Bigotry Turns to Murder," The Nation. CXIII (August 31719207, 2^2. organized in Washington, D. C. The group described itself as a "'militant* fighting organisation for Protestantism. J. V. Forest, a lawyer from Albany, New York, led the group* He described the Catholic church as a wheel in which the Pope constituted the hub, political control replaced the rim, and the Knight© of Columbus represented the spokes. The Sons and Daughters stated as its primary purpose the fight to maintain pure Americanism, best achieved by concen- trating their efforts in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- vania, the "stronghold" of Catholicism in the United States.^ However, the Boston Gongregationaliet. a Protestant news- paper, described Washington, D. C, as the stronghold of Catholics. The Congregationalist implied that Catholics opposed public education when it warned that « , excellent laws designed to improve the public schools have encountered the stout opposition of Roman Catholic authorities."^ The New York Times voiced concern over the increase of anti-Catholicism. The editorial included a recent statement by James A. Flaherty, Supreme Enight of the Knights of Columbus, "There is increasing evidence that certain unscru- pulous persons are bent upon reviving the ancient religious ^New York Times. March 1, 1920, p. 9. X4Ibld. 15«a Protestant View of the Catholic Forward Movement," Literary Digest. LXXII (December 13, 1919)> 34*