Hillary Lazar December 2011 Man! and the International Group: American Anarchism’s Missing Chapter In January 1940 Marcus Graham, editor of Man!: A Journal of Anarchist Ideal and Movement, triumphantly declared in a note to the readers that despite six years of routine government harassment and political persecution “our journal has endured . . . our modest voice of truth . . . [has] carried on.”1 Graham had spoken too soon. Only three additional issues of Man! were to appear. After nearly a decade as the primary organ of the International Group, an organization which served as the center of an international network of anarchists and vibrant American counterculture, the periodical folded under the weight of repression and habitual debt. Without the journal, the International Group soon dissolved and one of Depression-era America’s most vital radical voices went silent. Despite Man!’s tumultuous run and somewhat abrupt end, the very fact that the journal managed to thrive throughout the better part of the decade is enough to challenge one of the great misconceptions of American anarchist history. The general consensus among historians and scholars of radicalism is that by the 1930s the anarchist movement had petered out, becoming little more than a whisper of dissent and smattering of communitarian settlements until its resurgence in the 1960s. Yet, while it is arguable that anarchism in the United States dwindled somewhat during the Depression, it certainly did not disappear from the political landscape altogether. The vocal presence of the International Group throughout the country, coupled with Man!’s expansive – even international – circulation, is irrefutable testament to a flourishing and widespread American anarchist movement during this period. Beyond simply contributing to scholarship on radicalism, however, an account of the group’s dissolution provides a critical window into how mechanisms of power function in America amidst climates of fear. The relentless attempt to suppress Man! along with the several year persecution of Graham as well as his associates, Vincenzo (Vincent) Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto, underscores a historical pattern of the targeting of radicals and immigrants as well as the ready abandonment of basic civil liberties in the name of security. It also highlights how immigration policy not only failed to safeguard the rights of foreign-born during this period, but can be, and has been, used as tool of political repression and social control during periods of national panic. The combination of these two factors – the ways in which the story of Man! and the International Group both serves as a historiographical corrective and elucidates the relationship between radicalism, ethnicity, and State power in the United States – definitively situates it among the important hidden chapters in American social history. And, perhaps more importantly, this makes its telling an effective tool for better understanding America post-9/11 and in the midst of the “Great Recession.” Missing from History? Current Understanding of Depression-era American Anarchism As a cause célèbre in its own time, it is puzzling that the several year trials of Ferrero, Sallitto, and Graham, and consequently the International Group and Man!, have received virtually no historical attention. In part this may simply reflect a dearth of scholarship on 1930s American anarchism. While there is no shortage of works that explore the American anarchist movement, few actually look at the Depression era, let alone treat it at-length. Several reasons account for this oversight. To begin with, the Spanish Civil War, which lasted from 1936 to 1939 and is regarded as one of the richest moments in modern anarchist history – with reason – tends to be the greatest point of interest from this period for scholars.2 Furthermore, given the rise of communism in the United States at !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Marcus Graham, “Our Eighth Year,” Man!, January 1940.(Connecticut: Greenwood Reprint Corporation, 1970), introduction, 1968. 2 During the civil war – largely under influence of the CNT-FAI, an anarcho-syndicalist trade union a million strong – workers throughout Spain assumed control of their respective industries and collectivized their places of work. There are numerous ! "! this time and the central role it occupied in the latter half of twentieth century geopolitics, most historians focus on its emergence rather than on other Left-wing and anti-authoritarian movements. What most explains the limited treatment, though, is the prevalent assumption that for a variety of reasons anarchism had simply faded away by the 1930s. Gerald Runkle’s Anarchism: Old and New and George Woodcock’s Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movement, two of the major works that actually include the Depression era in their analyses, typify this attitude. Influenced by the great social upheavals of the mid-twentieth century and the concurrent rise of the neo- anarchist movement and New Left, both texts attempt to “set the record straight” on the subject.3 As Woodcock notes in his prologue, “[f]ew doctrines or movements have been so confusedly understood in the public mind.”4 To rectify this, he and Runkle provide their readers with broad overviews of anarchist history and theory, devoting little more than a paragraph or so to American anarchism in the 1930s. Yet, the cursory analysis they offer is less to do with the sweeping scope of their examinations, and is more a reflection of both authors’ conclusions that by this period the anarchist movement was essentially dead. According to Runkle and Woodcock, this decline was due to a “series of sensational and tragic events” that inextricably linked anarchism with violence in popular and governmental perception. 5 Effectively arguing that the movement ended as soon as it really began, for them, the Chicago Haymarket affair of 1886 – when the term “anarchist” first became equated with a maniacal and unkempt, bomb-wielding foreigner – signified the start of its demise.6 The assassination of President McKinley by Leon Czolgosz in 1903 only reinforced this negative image, and in turn paved the way for the repressive measures employed in the post-war period, which culminated in the Palmer Raids of 1919 and 1920.7 Then, after the deportation of most of the “vibrant” figures such as Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman following the raids, the movement “settled down into self-contained inactivity,” consisting of little more than “social and educational circles for the aging faithful” who “talked mainly to themselves.” 8 And by the thirties, the confluence of these events made it so that there was barely a movement to talk about, especially, as Runkle comments, “the depression . . . did not inspire much interest in anarchism.”9 Not until 1995 with the publication of Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America by Paul Avrich, leading historian of American anarchism, was there any substantial research on the topic, and even this was limited. Like Runkle and Woodcock, Avrich argues that by the 1920s, following the severe repression of the post- war era, the anarchist movement ceased to be a strong radical force in America. According to him, by the 1930s the once vibrant social network, with its “orchestras and theater groups . . . debating clubs and literary societies !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! accounts of the multifarious dimensions to the role anarchism played during the war – from analysis of gender, including Martha Ackelsberg’s Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991) to overviews such as Jose Peirats’ The CNT in the Spanish Revolution, Volume I (Chris Ealham, Ed. East Sussex: Hastings Press, 2001). For a broader discussions of Spanish anarchism leading up to the civil war see Murray Bookchin’s The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years 1868-1936 (New York: Free Life Editions, 1977). 3 Gerald Runkle, Anarchism: Old and New (New York: Delacorte Press, 1972); George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1962). 4 Woodcock, Anarchism: A History, 9. 5 Woodcock, Anarchism: A History, 464-5. 6 In 1886 during a workers protest for the eight-hour day gathered in the Haymarket Square in Chicago, a bomb exploded killing a police officer and injuring several others. Eight anarchists were accused of the bombing. Despite their innocence, four of the men were hanged on November 11, 1887 for their political convictions. For a full assessment of Haymarket see Paul Avrich’s The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). 7 On September 6, 1901 son of Polish immigrants, Leon Czolgosz, shot and killed President McKinley. Two years later the 57th Congress passed an act known as the “Anarchist Act,” excluding anyone "who disbelieves in or who is opposed to all organized government, or who is a member of or affiliated with any organization entertaining or teaching such disbelief in or opposition to all organized government.” See “In Defense of Anarchy,” in the New York Times, December 5, 1903. For a discussion that contextualizes Czolgosz’s attack on McKinley within progressivism, see Eric Rauchways’ Murdering McKinley: The Making of Theodore Roosevelt’s America (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004). Woodcock, Anarchism: A History, 466. 8 Runkle, Anarchism: Old and New, 33. Woodcock, Anarchism: A History, 467. 9 Runkle, Anarchism: Old and New, 34. ! #! involving hundreds if not thousands of participants . . . concerts, picnics, dances, plays, and recitations, in which children as well as adults took part, imparting a new revolutionary content to customary social activities . . . was now a mere shadow of what it had been only a decade or two earlier.”10 Although, he does concede that “weakened and scattered as they were, they struggled to regroup their forces,” and remained abreast of contemporary issues, engaging in animated debates over everything from the rise of Fascism and the Spanish Civil War to, of course, the Depression.11 Yet, despite Avrich’s discussion, research on Depression-era anarchism remains minimal at best. As an oral history, Anarchist Voices offers little in-depth analysis of the movement’s socio-historical context or the broader themes and implications that can be teased out from a closer reading of the movement during this era. Furthermore, it largely focuses on the New York anarchist scene and only briefly touches on circles in other areas of the country. Consequently, Avrich fails to acknowledge the full extent and significance of the anarchist movement at that time. Needless to say, in light of the state of current scholarship in this area, research on some of the more specialized subjects relating to the story of Man! and the International Group is even less readily available. For instance, there is a serious deficiency in analysis on the intersection of ethnicity, immigration policy, and anarchism during this period in America. This is not say that general discussions of ethnic radicals and federal immigration policy do not exist, they do – most notable of which is William Preston’s Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903-1933. There is also a rich, and growing, body of work on the history of xenophobia and deportation in the 1930s that tends to address Mexican repatriation.12 At present, however, there is a real vacuum of substantial work on all these issues read together in the context of the Depression, particularly at its peak during the Roosevelt years.13 And as a time known for rampant antiradicalism, xenophobia and anti-immigrant policies, especially with the steady march towards WWII in the latter years of the decade, it seems to beg for further exploration. So, while an examination of Man! and the International Group certainly does not fill in all the blanks in current understanding of Depression-era radicalism it does begin to grant 1930s anarchism in the United States the deeper-level of attention it merits. Man! and the International Group: A Necessary Corrective From January 1933 through April 1940 Man! functioned as the mouthpiece of an international community of anarchist groups and individuals. At the suggestion of Vincent Ferrero, former editor of the Italian-American anarchist periodical L’Emancipazione, Romanian-born Marcus Graham, née Shmuel Marcus, established Man! A Journal of the Anarchist Ideal and Movement.14 With the subheading, “man is the measurement of everything,” the journal was intended to address social questions among “those who are willing to face the truth, and act for themselves” and enable “Man to regain confidence in himself, in his great power to achieve liberation from every form of slavery that now encircles him.”15 A self-professed “philosophical anarchist,” Graham was at once a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 10 Paul Avrich, Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, (Oakland: AK Press, 2005), 319. 11 Avrich, Anarchist Voices, 415. 12 Given the rise in xenophobia post-9/11 as well as increased tensions over the Mexican border and fierce debate over immigration reform in the wake of the Great Recession, numerous explorations of the early roots of these contemporary issues have recently been published. Peter Schrag’s Not Fit For Our Society: Immigration and Nativism in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), for example, is one of the latest of these important contributions and traces the origins of contemporary immigration policy controversies to socio-political patterns throughout America’s history. Justin Akers Chacón and Mike Davis’ No One is Illegal: Fighting Racism and State Violence on the US-Mexican Border (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2006) is another important addition to analyses of the intersection of state control and xenophobia in the US. 13 William Preston, Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903-1933 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995). Preston’s Aliens and Dissenters offers an excellent discussion of popular conceptions of the intersection between anarchism and aliens and how this impacted immigration policy. 14 There is little available biographical information on Ferrero, aka. “Johnny the Cook,” however, there is a brief oral history by him in Avrich’s Anarchist Voices, 163-167. There are also scattered references to Graham in some of the historical testimonies. He also provides some additional commentary in his “Autobiographical Note,” in the foreword to his anthology, Man! An Anthology of Anarchist Ideas, Essays, Poetry and Commentaries (London: Cienfuegos Press, 1974). 15 “Man!,” in Man!, January 1933. ! $! staunch pacifist and follower of Galleanist anarchism which supported “propaganda by the deed” or direct action.16 Nevertheless, steadfast to the anarchist position that coercion of any kind constituted an infringement of individual rights, including the imposition of intellectual and political beliefs on another person, Graham ensured that Man! would be an open forum for discussion and offer “no programs, platforms of palliatives on any of the social issues confronting mankind.”17 “Mikhail Bakunin.” Man!, January 1933. “Voltairine De Cleyre.” Man!, December 1933. Man!, July-August 1937. True to his vision, through articles and letters to the editor, the members of the International Group and other radicals shared their diverse perspectives, oftentimes engaging in heated debates over political theory, strategy, and the general state of the movement.18 The journal also served as a cultural resource for the community. It frequently included articles that paid tribute to prominent anarchists through biographical sketches on figures like Voltairine De Cleyre, Alexander Berkman, and Mikhail Bakunin, and had an extensive “Arts and Literature” section with visual work such as woodblock prints (now emblematic of radical graphic art) as well as poetry and fiction by “those in sympathy” with the aims of Man!.19 Above all, however, the periodical functioned as a political watchdog. Reports like “Sparks (of Progress),” “In Retrospect of Current Events,” and “Under the Iron Heel of Government,” provided readers with a running commentary on the current state of local, national, and international developments, paying particular attention to labor issues or instances of political repression.20 Based out of Oakland for most of its run, editorial pieces and notes from the readers also routinely recounted clashes between the migrant workers and agribusiness owners in California as well as the impact of the New Deal or “Double Deal” – as it was often referred to – on the state.21 Despite the emphasis on local events, Man! was far from confined to a limited number of California-based followers. Rather, the network of readers connected anarchists and radicals across multiple continents. Initially Man! was only available in California and could be purchased at two bookshops in San Francisco, six newsstands in Los Angeles and one location in Pasadena.22 Within two years of its appearance, however, Graham was able to boast having readers in “every state in the union.”23 And eventually Man!’s circulation extended to locations as far spread !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 16 Interview with Dr. Barry Pateman, October 2002. Dr. Pateman is a historian of anarchism and former associate of Marcus Graham. For a discussion of Luigi Galleani and his theories of anarchism see No Gods, No Masters: An Anthology of Anarchism (San Francisco: AK Press, 1998). 17 “Man!,” in Man!, January 1933. 18 See for instance articles in Man! including: “Onward-People of Spain,” August-September 1936; “Behind the Lines of Spain,” October-November 1936; “They Shall Not Pass,” December 1936-Janaury 1937; and “Save Spain Save Yourselves,” February- March 1937. 19 “Errico Malatesta,” in Man!, February 1933; “Alexander Berkman- Rebel Anarchist” in Man!, July 1936; “Mikahil Alexandrovich Bakunin,” in Man!, May 1939. See for instance, Man!, February 1933. 20 See for instance, Man!, February 1936. 21 “Facts and Comments,” in Man!, February 1935. 22 “Man is on Sale At:,” in Man!, February 1937. 23 “Shall man continue to Exist?,” in Man!, November – December 1935. ! %! as Cuba, the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, Australia, and Palestine.24 Yet, while Man! served as an international platform for dialogue among anarchists, it was the chapters of the International Group that enabled the on-the-ground movement to flourish throughout California and many of the major American cities. In fact, within months of its establishment, chapters of the International Group had sprung up around the country in cities like New York, Chicago, Detroit, Patterson, and Philadelphia.25 In many ways, there is very little about the International Group that distinguishes it from the New York anarchist milieu that Paul Avrich describes in Anarchist Voices. His depiction of the social life based on literary societies and revolutionary versions of otherwise typical activities like picnics or theatrical aptly fits the International Group as well.26 On December 31, 1932 the original organization based in San Francisco gathered to “greet the appearance of Man!”27 Following this, the various chapters scattered across the country sponsored countless events that served as the heart the communities’ social life, as well as a hotbed for activism and avenue through which the members were able to uphold their various cultural traditions.28 Usually elaborate multiethnic affairs, they tended to involve art, politics or both, and nearly all offered “eats aplenty.”29 Members and friends frequently gathered for picnics or dinners that offered cuisine ranging from Chinese to Russian. Although, Italian-American “Spaghetti-luncheons” and evenings of “Dancing, Singing and Spaghetti” were by far the community’s preferred dining-related activities.30 Literary activities, debates, and intellectual gatherings were also a favorite. The International Group organized numerous lectures, forums and speaking-tours, oftentimes co-sponsoring them with other organizations such as the Russian Progressive Club and Confederate Libertarian Union of Los Angeles.31 Mostly they involved talks related specifically to the movement, Man!, January 1934. but sometimes they debated other radical topics, like one somewhat unusual discussion held at the Labor College in San Francisco on whether or not Marius Van Der Lubbe, a Dutch Communist assassinated by the Nazis, should be considered “an Outstanding Revolutionist” or a Nazi spy.32 The San Francisco chapter also held “monthly comraderies” at their “Freethought !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 24 “Man is on Sale At:,” in Man!, February 1937. “An Appeal from Cuba,” in Man!, February 1936; “A Letter from Japan,” in Man!, March 1935; “By the Readers,” in Man!, April 1933; “A Letter from New Zealand,” in Man!, April 1935; “A Letter from Australia,” in Man!, April 1939 and “Two Letters from Palestine,” in Man!, April 1938. 25 “The Movement Around Man,” in Man!, May-June 1933. The International Group was actually the informal name for the Road to Freedom Group, based in New York, that published the Road to Freedom, a journal edited by Hyppolite Havel from 1927-1931, which is considered by many to be the successor to Emma Goldman’s periodical Mother Earth. Graham had actually been a member of the group in New York, so it seems likely that the International Group he later founded was at the very least influenced by, if not meant to be a reincarnation of, the former organization. Several of the oral histories in Avrich’s Anarchist Voices refer to the Road to Freedom Group. 26 Avrich, Anarchist Voices, 219. Given the close connection with the Road to Freedom Group in NY that Graham had been part of, and the heavy degree of cross-migration between members of the two radical communities their commonalities come as no surprise. 27 Man!, January 1933. 28 True to its name, the largely immigrant and working class members hailed from several nations – cutting across traditionally divided ethnic-lines among radical groups – including Italy, China, Russia, and, of course, Graham’s native country, Romania. 29 Man!, October 1933. Man!, November 1933. Although it seems likely that this was partly due to the cooperative ethic of the group as well as the central role of food in social gatherings for many cultures, undoubtedly, with breadlines and hunger a daily reality for many, this also reflected a pragmatic strategy for drawing larger crowds. 30 Man!, March 1933. Man!, May-June, 1933. Man!, January 1934. 31 Man!, January 1933. 32 Man!, March 1934. ! &! Library” where “[n]ewspapers, periodicals and other reading matter in various languages [were] available . . . every night except Fridays.”33 Most of all, events and gatherings served as a way to raise funds for Man!. One typical benefit, for example, held on April 22, 1933 at the Equality Hall in San Francisco, presented a “three-act play in the Russian language,” a piano recital, a reading, “songs in German and English,” and ended with a dance and music by the “Popular Balalaika Orchestra.” Admission was twenty-five cents. 34 Other radical organizations also came to the support of Man!, such as the Jack London Guild which did theatrical performances of political pieces like “Looking for the State” and Tchekov’s “The Boor” as fundraising events.35 In turn, although money collected generally went into the publication of Man!, the International Group held many affairs to help fund other radical causes as well. Chapters gathered to support comrades in need like the “Italian and Spanish Political Prisoners” who received all proceeds from an evening of “Danc[ing] and Entertainment” accompanied by a speech by acclaimed anarchist, Rudolph Rocker. Other events supported “anarchist exiles in Russia” and incarcerated radical martyr, Warren K. Billings.36 And a picnic held in Brooklyn, New York was used for the joint funding of Man! and L’Adunata, an Italian anarchist periodical.37 Where an account of the group diverges from Avrich’s assessment – and even more so Runkle and Woodcock’s perceptions of the movement – is in the network’s strength as well as the prominent position it occupied within the American Left at that time. Man!’s near-decade run, despite the financial hardships of running a paper, especially amidst the Depression, is real testament to a solid anarchist presence and relatively widespread sympathy among the liberal and antiauthoritarian communities throughout the country. For while Graham did eventually charge a dollar for a year’s subscription and the paper partially folded due to debt, most support came from the voluntary contribution of subscribers and event attendees, many of whom were not self-identified anarchists and the majority of whom lived outside of California.38 Far more than the financial challenges of maintaining the periodical though, the fact that the paper remained in circulation for nearly eight years despite vigorous efforts by local and federal authorities to suppress Man! and undermine the International Group is even clearer evidence of the vigor and significance of anarchism during this period. Undoubtedly, most telling of this, is the nation-wide protest movement that sprung up in response to this governmental harassment and the ensuing deportation trials of Ferrero, Sallitto and Graham. In fact, not only did the movement to see justice for the three men become one of the dominant issues taken on by the American Left throughout the thirties, but many of the leading contemporary liberal figures galvanized the efforts on their behalf. The Trials of Vincenzo Ferrero, Domenic Sallitto, and Marcus Graham Little more than a year following its debut, the local and federal governments began to systematically harass subscribers to the paper. In the May 1934 issue Graham reports that readers were sending letters of complaint regarding visits from government agents. The officials had been detaining them at the local justice departments for questioning on their relationship with the periodical and demanding to know, “why they read and lent material aid to an Anarchist journal such as Man!”39 Sessions ended with threats of deportation against the foreign-born readers and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 33 “For an International Freethought Library,” in Man!, March 1933. 34 Man!, April 1933. 35 Man!, December 1933. Man!, April 1934. 36 Man!, June 1939. 37 Man!, January 1934. 38 Most gifts were under two dollars; however, occasionally they were more extravagant like the contribution from “Comrade [Joe] Boring who forwarded his Elgin watch, 16 size, 14 karat gold, valued at $80.00” See “An Unusual Gift,” in Man!, April 1933. Financial Statements also appear in each issue. See for example: “Financial Statement (From Feb. 15th to March 15th, 1933),” in Man!, April 1933. 39 “Government’s Foul Conspiracy to Destroy Man!,” in Man!, May 1934. ! '! criminal prosecution for those born in America. Meanwhile, a hold had been placed on the journal’s mailing by the government, preventing the March issue from reaching many of the readers.40 Yet, despite the attempts to intimidate Man!’s followers and the members of the International Group, their commitment did not waiver. Letters continued to pour in, the gatherings went on, and every month individuals and organizations scraped together money to ensure that the next issue would appear. The governmental harassment of Man!’s readers and the delays in its distribution, however, were just the beginning. On April 11, 1934 immigration inspectors and local police led by E.C. Benson forcibly entered the restaurant owned and operated by Vincenzo Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto at 1000 Jefferson Street in Oakland, California and raided the small space they rented at the back of their business to Graham for use as the printing headquarters for Man!.41 Although Ferrero had been the one to initially suggest that Graham start the paper, neither he nor Sallitto officially contributed to its publication. Nevertheless, after the inspectors ransacked the backroom to obtain copies of the periodical and materials used for its production, they were both arrested on “telegraphic warrants from Washington to be seized for deportation.”42 Ferrero was then charged with “causing the publication of Man!” and Sallitto was picked up for chairing the debate on Marius Van der Lubbe the previous March, during which he purportedly advocated the violent overthrow of the government.43 They were quickly released on a thousand-dollar bond apiece, but only nine days later a squad of detectives returned to Jefferson Street, allegedly in response to an attempted robbery of the restaurant, and raided the office for a second time. The two men were removed to Angel Island and it became clear that their charges were not going to be readily dropped.44 For a year the cases of Ferrero and Sallitto remained at a standstill as they went in and out of custody, all the while working tirelessly with advocates from the International Group in concert with legal counsel from the American Committee for Protection of Foreign-Born, an affiliate of The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). In June 1935, however, when their verdict did finally come in, they “Freedom of Thought Arraigned.” were dealt a crushing blow. Even though they were both legal residents in the Macrus Graham Freedm of Press United States – Ferrero, a thirty-year resident, and Sallitto, a fifteen-year resident Committee, January 1939. and widowed father of a three-year-old daughter born to an American wife – the Reprinted with permission from the Immigration Bureau of the Labor Department ordered their deportation to Italy.45 Labadie Collection in the Special On December 10, 1935 the United State’s Labor department issued a formal Collections of the University of demand that Ferrero turn himself in to Ellis Island for the sailing of the S.S. Michigan- Ann Arbor Library. “Conte di Savoia” to Italy two weeks later. Ferrero complied and arrived a day prior to his scheduled departure date. His attorney, however, managed to stay the deportation through a writ of habeas corpus.46 Sallitto, meanwhile, joined his comrade at Ellis Island shortly thereafter as he was scheduled to be deported on January 11th. Like Ferrero, he also secured a writ of habeas corpus, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 40 “Government’s Foul Conspiracy to Destroy Man!,” in Man!, May 1934. 41 Along with Ferrero’s account, there is also a brief oral history by Sallitto in Avrich’s Anarchist Voices, 166-67. 42 “Government’s Foul Conspiracy to Destroy Man!,” in Man!, May 1934. 43 “Government’s Foul Conspiracy to Destroy Man!,” in Man!, May 1934. 44 “Government’s Foul Conspiracy to Destroy Man!,” in Man!, May 1934. 45 “Alleged Anarchist Fights Deportation,” in San Francisco Chronicle, September 5, 1935. “Deportation Order Fought,” in San Francisco Chronicle, December 29, 1935. “Resisting Attempt to Throttle Freedom of Thought,” in Man!, July-August 1935. “Deportations Hysteria,” in Man!, October-November 1936. 46 “The Struggle to Save Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Man!, January 1936. “Deportation Order Fought,” in San Francisco Chronicle, December 29, 1935. ! (! and after three months of being detained, both men were released. Even so, their legal persecution was still not over.47 Ultimately charged with “being a member of an organization advocating the overthrow of government by force and violence,” Sallitto’s ordeal persisted for two additional years. It was not until January 1938, following four years of legal proceedings, and several months of detention at both Ellis and Angel Islands – which meant prolonged periods of separation from his young daughter of whom he had sole custody – when his case was dismissed.48 Ferrero did not fare as well. While the court never directly determined that he was involved with Man! in any official capacity, as the former editor of the Italian anarchist periodical L’Emancipazione, he was charged with “writing or publishing printed material advocating the overthrow of government by force and violence.”49 And despite his claims that he qualified for political asylum as being sent back to Italy would condemn him to severe punishment for having “written and spoke violently against Mussolini for years,” in February 1937 the Second District Court of Appeals denied his plea.50 If he had failed to successfully go off the radar and evade the authorities by adopting the alias “Jonny the Cook” back in California, Ferrero would have been deported two years later in November 1939.51 Throughout the years of Ferrero and Sallitto’s persecution, Graham faced similar tribulations. A few days prior to June 11, 1936, he received a notice from the Immigration Bureau upholding a mandate for his deportation issued seventeen years earlier. The nearly two-decade old directive demanded his return to Canada, where he allegedly held citizenship, for the crime of possessing subversive anarchist literature.52 Denied entry into Canada, and unable to ascertain Graham’s nation of origin, the immigration officials allowed the expulsion to slip through the legal cracks. With pressure on the rise to shut down Man!, and the trials of Ferrero and Sallitto well underway, Graham felt threatened enough by the renewed interested in his expulsion to go underground. Consequently, in the August-September 1936 issue he announced his termination as editor of Man!. He then temporarily entrusted its editorship to Ray Randall and Walter Brooks, although under Hippolyte Havel’s name, and for a year the periodical was published out of New York.53 The following July Graham came out of hiding and reassumed his role as editor, relocating its headquarters to Los Angeles.54 Graham’s return was short-lived. It was only two months before the authorities once again took action against him. On October 6, 1937, four plain-clothes immigration officers raided the Los Angeles office and seized all materials relating to Man!. Graham was arrested onsite and incarcerated in the county jail for eight days.55 Several months of hearings and appeals followed, and on January 14, 1938 Judge Leon R. Yankovich finally !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 47 “Bay Man Appeals Deportation Order,” in San Francisco Chronicle, October 8, 1936. “The Ferrero and Sallitto Case,” in Man!, May 1936. 48 “Anarchy on Trial in United States Court,” in Man!, January 1938. “Deportations Hysteria,” in Man!, October-November 1936. 49 “Deportations Hysteria,” in Man!, October-November 1936. “Another Refugee,” in Man!, November 1939. 50 “Deportations Hysteria,” in Man!, October-November 1936. 51 Ferrero Loses Deportation Plea,” in San Francisco Chronicle, February 2, 1937. “Former Publisher Reported a Refugee,” in San Francisco Chronicle, October 21, 1939. “Deportations Hysteria,” in Man!, October-November 1936. “Another Refugee,” in Man!, November 1939. Interview with Audrey Goodman, January 4, 2009. 52 The controversial literature was a copy of A Revolutionary Anthology of Poetry that Graham had edited. 53 Hippolyte Havel (1871-1950) is a famous Czech anarchist who lived in New York and was a close friend, and biographer, of Emma Goldman’s. Ray Randall and Walter Brooks were pennames and while their real names were never disclosed, their initials were “A.A.” and “D.S.” respectively. It seems plausible that these might stand for Domenick Sallitto and Aurora Alleva, his eventual life partner and secretary of the Ferrero and Sallitto Defense Conference in New York, who were both in New York at that time raising funds for his defense. Marcus Graham, “Autobiographical Note,” in Marcus Graham, ed. Man! An Anthology of Anarchist Ideas, Essays, Poetry and Commentaries (London: Cienfuegos Press, 1974), vii. 54 “In Retrospect of Current Events: A Statement of Facts,” in Man!, August-September 1936. Man!, July-Aug 1937. Despite this Graham did not remain overly silent or carefully hidden. Several times in late 1936, his name appears with “Bermuda” next to it in parentheses, as the author of articles in Man! This suggests that Graham went on the lam and sought refuge in Bermuda. 55 “U.S. Government Raids ‘Man!’ and Jails Editor Again,” in Man!, October 1937. “Editor May Evade Deportation Charge,” in San Francisco Chronicle, December 9, 1937. ! )! dismissed the seventeen-year-old edict. Nevertheless, Graham did not evade all legal repercussions. Judge Yankovich sentenced him to six months imprisonment on the charge of “criminal contempt” for his persistent refusal to reveal his place of birth to immigration officials making it impossible deport him.56 Again, he managed to temporarily elude his punishment with additional legal appeals, although it was a Pyrrhic victory. By this point, sufficient enough damage had been done to the stability of Man!’s publication that it was now deeply in debt.57 With the aid of contributions from supporters, Man! stayed afloat for another year and a half, but in April 1940 the U.S. District Attorney “advised” the journal’s printer to immediately suspend the printing of the May issue. When Graham was unable to find an alternate publisher he was forced to end its publication.58 Two months later he lost his appeal regarding the pending charge of contempt for refusing to cooperate with immigration officials, and was sentenced to serve out his time.59 Ironically, if the goal of Graham, Ferrero, and Sallitto’s persecution was to deter further radical agitation, it instead helped to unite the Left in one of the largest protest movements of the period. The government’s attempt to deport these men and suppress Man!, was far from unnoticed, and received nationwide condemnation. The ACLU who had immediately taken on their cases made sure to spread word on the issue to the wider public. In just over a year after the initial raid at 1000 Jefferson Street, hundreds of organizations and thousands of individuals joined the protests held throughout the country on their behalf. The first public gathering was held on July 2, 1935 at the San Francisco Labor College. Spokesmen at the event represented numerous labor and radical organizations including the ACLU; the Industrial Workers of the World; the International Group; the International Ladies Garment Workers Union; the Non-artisan Labor Defense; the Proletarian, Workers’ and Socialist parties; and the Tom Mooney Molders’ Defense Committee.60 Soon thereafter, on July 22nd the Ferrero-Sallitto Defense Conference was established at the Stuyvesant Casino in New York and six days later the first mass demonstration outside of California was held at Union Square.61 Following this demonstration, numerous committees were formed across the country as part of the Ferrero- Sallitto Defense Conference to arrange local demonstrations and inundate Capital Hill with letters of protest. Another rally held at Irving Plaza in New York City on October 27, 1935 had delegates from some two hundred and twenty-one organizations all of whom signed a declaration “that the traditional right of asylum in America for political and religious refugees from tyrannical governments be preserved.”62 Copies of the resolution were sent directly to President Roosevelt.63 And within six months, in addition to New York and San Francisco, major protests were also held in Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland and Los Angeles.64 Meanwhile, after Graham’s arrest, separate defense committees were formed out of many of the same groups on his behalf.65 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 56 “Anarchy on Trial in United States Court,” in Man!, January 1938. 57 “Writers Assailed by Federal Judge,” in New York Times, June 27, 1939. “Marcus Graham Sentenced to Second Six Moth Jail Term,” in The Challenge, July 22, 1939. 58 Marcus Graham, “Autobiographical Note,” xviii. 59 “Silence About Birth Thwarts His Deportation,” in San Francisco Chronicle, June 7, 1940. “A ‘Philosophical’ Anarchist Gets 6 Months in Jug,” in San Francisco Chronicle, June 23, 1940. 60“Resisting Attempt to Throttle Freedom of Thought -- First public Protest,” in Man!, July-August 1935. Albert Strong, “The Fight Against Deportation of Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Class Struggle, January 1936. 61 Albert Strong, “The Fight Against Deportation of Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Class Struggle, January 1936. 62 “On the Revolutionary Battlefront -- In the Land We Live In,” in Man!, November-December 1935. 63 “On the Revolutionary Battlefront -- In the Land We Live In,” in Man!, November-December 1935. 64 Albert Strong, “The Fight Against Deportation of Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Class Struggle, January 1936. “Deportation Officials’ Unlimited Perfidies,” in Man!, February 1936. 65 “U.S. Government Raids ‘Man!’ and Jails Editor Again,” in Man!, October 1937. “Editor May Evade Deportation Charge,” in San Francisco Chronicle, December 9, 1937. “Stop the Persecution of Graham and Man!,” in Man!, March 1938. ! *! Protest flier and telegraph from the ILGWU appealing for political asylum for Vincenzo Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto, 1937. Reprinted with permission from the Labadie Collection in the Special Collections of the University of Michigan- Ann Arbor Library. ! The movement to see justice for Ferrero, Sallitto and Graham continued to grow in size and intensity, catching the attention of numerous prominent citizens who joined the Defense Committees, often taking on coordinating roles for the protests and petitions. Multiple delegations of notable personalities, civil rights advocates, and labor leaders, even went so far as to travel to Washington to contest Secretary of Labor Perkins’ sign off on their deportation. On December 23, 1935 five members of the Conference met with Assistant Secretary of Labor Edward McGrady to no avail. When that failed to work, another attempt to intercede on their behalf was made by “100 renown[ed] men and women in the realm of Art and Education.”66 Leading the group was the wife of former Secretary of Labor, Louis F. Post.67 And by January 1938 upwards of forty thousand letters of protest representing five hundred thousand individuals were sent to Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins.68 Several high-profile individuals including Sherwood Anderson, Roger Baldwin, Alice Stone Blackwell, John Dewey, Max Eastman, Kate Crane-Gartz, Sinclair Lewis, Scott Nearing, Jon Dos Passos, Upton Sinclair, and Norman Thomas were among them.69 Yet, despite this popular attention, in the end, with Ferrero still officially slated to be deported and Graham in jail for half a year, the protests had only met with partial success. And, ultimately, the International Group and Man! simply could not withstand the weight of the persecution and disbanded. Clearly though, regardless of the outcomes, what is important to note is that the widespread protest movement around Ferrero, Sallitto, and Graham undercuts any argument that anarchism was a marginal component in 1930s American radicalism. When an account of their trials is reincorporated into the historical record, it becomes clear that at the very least, anarchism continued to be a mainstay in the fabric of the political Left, if not one if its major unifying threads. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 66“Two Fight Deportation,” in San Francisco Chronicle, October 7, 1937. “Anarchy on Trial in United States Court,” in Man!, January 1938. “Deportation of Sallitto Defeated,” in Man!, January 1938. 67“Two Fight Deportation,” in San Francisco Chronicle, October 7, 1937. “Anarchy on Trial in United States Court,” in Man!, January 1938. “Deportation of Sallitto Defeated,” in Man! January 1938. “Protesting Voices,” in Man!, March 1938. Albert Strong, “The Fight Against Deportation of Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Class Struggle, January 1936. 68 “Anarchy on Trial in United States Court,” in Man!, January 1938. 69 “America’s Conscience Speaks Out,” in Man!, October 1937. Man!, December 1937. “The Fight Against Deportation of Ferrero and Sallitto,” in Class Struggle, January 1936. “Shall These Men and Women be Exiled,” in Man!, December 1937. “Stop the Persecution of Graham and Man!,” in Man!, March 1938. ! "+!