Gerard Naddaf 9 PROLOGUE Although Anaximander’s cosmology has been the focus of much attention, his views on the origin and development of humanity have received surpris- ingly little attention. Most would attribute this to a lack of evidence. But evidence there is, although it is not necessarily from Peripatetic sources, which many scholars find the only valid testimony. While it is true that a certain amount of conjecture must be taken for granted when reconstructing it, this position is no more conjectural, in my view, than the myriad of opinions on how to interpret (and reconstruct) the often conflicting doxographical evi- dence concerning his cosmological works. Anaximander’s book was one of the first known examples of prose, and his choice of this new medium may have been an attempt to free the language of philosophy from undesirable connotations or preconceptions regarding poetry. Poetry had long been a vehicle of myth, and its rhythms and diction might, in his eyes, have hindered speculative thought. Of course, poetry as a medium for speculative thought did not disappear. Indeed, it remained the medium of preference for the so-called Italian as opposed to the Ionian school. More important, without the medium of writing in general, and without the Greek alphabet in particular, speculative thought would not have seen the light of day. Anaximander was clearly aware of this. The alphabet, however, was not a sufficient cause to account for the advent of speculative thought. The forces at play are, as we will see, extremely complex. Before examining Anaximander’s radical new theory on the origin of humanity and civilization, I give a brief analysis of the more traditional/ mythical approach to the question in Greece. It must be remembered that after Anaximander articulated his naturalistic approach to how the present order of things was established, it still took many generations for the general population to come to terms with his radical new ideas. As Aristophanes clearly demonstrates in the Clouds, Anaximander’s naturalistic explanation of thunder and lightening was still perceived by many as a blasphemy toward Zeus. And we still see Euthyphro, in the Platonic dialogue that carries his name (Euthyphro 23b–c), affirming a literal interpretation of the battle of the gods and other scenes in Hesiod’s Theogony. Such persistent adherence to religious accounts should not surprise us if we consider that today many continue to take the creation story in Genesis to be literally true. Those who adhere to a literal interpretation of Genesis are thereby com- mitted to accepting the representation of the origins of humanity and society as coeval, so that human beings come into existence within the context of a fully functioning society. Representing society as coming into being without a real past is the norm in mythical accounts, including Hesiod’s. Therefore, to fully appreciate how radical Anaximander’s new ideas are with respect to 9 10 ANTHROPOGONY AND POLITOGONY IN ANAXIMANDER OF MILETUS the origins of humanity and society/civilization, they must be put into per- spective. This will necessitate a certain amount of digression, but the great Milesian will always be in the background. When we turn to Anaximander’s own position on the origin of civilization, much of the focus will be on a reconstruction of his famous map and how it explains, in light of the doxographical and historical evidence, the real aim of his own historia. According to W. A. Heidel, the aim of Anaximander’s book was “to sketch the life-history of the cosmos from the moment of its emergence from infinitude to the author’s own time.”1 This also is precisely what Hesiod attempted in the Theogony. He sought to explain how Zeus established the present order of things, natural and social. This is the aim of a cosmogonical myth in general, and Anaximander is clearly attempting to accomplish the same end. This is why he must begin with a cosmogony, and go on to an anthropogony, and end up with a politogony.2 However, his approach is radi- cally different, since his explanation is not only naturalistic, but he clearly and distinctly separates all three developments. Meanwhile, Anaximander was no armchair philosopher. He formulated his theory through investigation and discovery; he traveled extensively, notably, it will be argued, to Egypt via Naucratis. In this regard, I attempt to show that Egypt or, more precisely, the Nile Delta, was in certain respects the center of the universe, that is, the center before the shift, the shift to Miletus. I believe that there is a good deal of circumstantial evidence for this, but the argument must be read as a whole. Some of the evidence here will corroborate Martin Bernal’s claims regarding the relation between Greece and Egypt, albeit for different reasons. It is all part of what one author has called “the Egyptian mirage in ancient Greece.” THE ORIGIN OF HUMANITY IN TRADITIONAL (OR MYTHICAL) THOUGHT The Greeks had, in substance, two concurrent traditional discourses to ex- plain the origin of humanity. They thought that man either emerged from the earth like a plant or that he was fashioned by a divine artist. Excellent ex- amples of the first discourse are the Platonic myth of the γηγενεƒς, “born [*γεν-] of the earth [γ›],”3 or the Theban and Athenian myths of autochthony (from a¶t¬cqwn, “born from the soil [cqÔn] itself [a¶t¬V).”4 The second discourse is illustrated by Hesiod with the myth of Pandora, the first “woman.” She was fashioned by Hephaistus from a mixture of water and earth.5 In sum, what we have here is a sort of opposition between nature and artifice. The first account, however, was more prevalent than the second, due to its logical anteriority. This is nicely explained in the following passage from Socrates’ speech in Plato’s Menexenus 237e–238a: Gerard Naddaf 11 The fact that everything that gives birth is supplied with the food its offspring needs is weighty testimony for this assertion that the earth hereabouts gave birth to these men’s ancestors and ours. For by this sign it can be seen clearly whether or not a woman has really given birth: she is foisting off an infant not her own, if she does not have within her the wellsprings of its nourishments. The earth here, our mother, offers pre- cisely this as sufficient testimony that she has brought forth humans. She first and she alone in that olden time bore food fit for humans, wheat and barley, which are the finest and best nourishment for the human race, because she really was the mother of this creature. And such testimonies are to be taken more seriously on earth’s behalf than a woman’s, inasmuch as earth does not mimic woman in conceiving and generating, but woman earth. (trans. Paul Ryan) Such an argument, by analogy, is clearly very old. However, the problem is not so much to explain the origin of the “first humans” as to explain how they became the “first parents,” the ancestors of the human race. After all, if the first “men” emerged from Mother Earth like plants, there also must have been a beginning to the endless cycle of reproduction, for otherwise humanity would not have been able to perpetuate itself. A man who is really a man is born from other men and not from the unknown, and man quite obviously is not born from the same, but from the other, that is, from woman. Thus numerous myths arose to overcome this contradiction between the legend and the daily reality: “Tell me your race and your homeland” says the proverbial Homeric phrase, “for you did not come from the legendary oak nor from a stone” (Odyssey 19.162–63; Iliad 22.136).6 Hesiod’s version of the myth of Prometheus explains the origin of the contradiction and thus the origin of the human condition. According to this myth, there was a time, long ago, when men were not yet isolated from the gods. They lived peacefully together. They sat at the same tables and ate the same food at common banquets. In this time, men lived without women. They emerged, like wheat, directly from the earth that produced them. Since birth through procreation was unknown, they knew neither old age nor death. They disappeared as youthful as in their first days and in a peace similar to sleep. If later men had to procreate to survive as a race, it is because an unfortunate incident occurred that separated them from the gods. The Prometheus story explains why this “separation” occurred. The “drama” un- folds in three acts7: (1) Prometheus, who is charged with distributing the food portions, defrauds the gods to the advantage of mortals/men; (2) Zeus, to avenge himself, hides his fire from men, that is, the celestial fire that men need to cook their food. Prometheus comes to their aid and again deceives Zeus by stealing fire. Indeed, without fire man cannot cook his food (and thus 12 ANTHROPOGONY AND POLITOGONY IN ANAXIMANDER OF MILETUS feed himself), and thus he is condemned to annihilation; (3) Zeus, who is furious to see the fire in the hands of men, responds by creating woman (gun–), that is, Pandora, who will be a primary source of human evil—albeit equally an important asset.8 Pandora is presented as the first spouse and as the ancestor of the female species (Theogony 591). With the appearance of the woman, men who origi- nally emerged directly from the earth are no longer qualified as ™nqrÔpoi (Theogony 586, 588–89), that is, as humans as opposed to gods. Rather, now they are qualified as Òndr'V (Theogony 592), that is, males as opposed to females (Theogony 590–91). This is the case, because men can no longer live and reproduce without women. In sum, if the creation of the woman is the ultimate consequence of the separation of men from the gods, the paradox consists in the fact that “men” are not truly part of the human condition until they become Òndr'V, that is, half of humanity. This version of events appears to be a purely Greek phenomenon, for in other cultures the creation of women is not distinguished from the creation of men. Meanwhile, this explanation is not without ambiguity. Like the Oedipus myth analyzed by Lévi-Strauss, the Prometheus myth “expresses the impos- sibility in which a society is found when it professes to believe in the autochthony of man, and, passing from this theory, to the recognition of the fact that each of us is really born from the union of a man and a woman”(1958, 239). Indeed, how can men who are truly men and women who are truly women be born from a sexual union if one postulates that each of the sexes has a separate origin? “Are we born of only one or of two?” “Is the same born of the same or of the other?” (ibid.). In other words, must one admit that there are male seeds and female seeds? And, if yes, how from one do we get a mixing of the sexes? These are questions, of course, with which Greek philosophers, physicians, and even tragedians were constantly preoccupied.9 And if there is a merit to be recognized in these myths, it is certainly that it posed these questions. Nevertheless, there were other ways to explain the relationship between the original humans and their posterity. One could either tell a story of a divine origin of humanity (e.g., Hesiod’s Works and Days, 108; Pindar’s Nemean Ode 6.1ff.) and explain the transition between the time of origins and the historical time of men through a sort of general repetition, or one could tell a story of a catastrophe that annihilated virtually all of the first humans, after which the survivors made a fresh start. An illustration of the first case is Phoroneus, the mythical ancestor of the Argives and the first human. He is considered either as the son solely of the river Inachos or the son of Inachos and his sister Melia.10 The myth does not tell us how the son of Inachos put an end to the primordial time in which the first inhabitants of Argos were the rivers, and there is no indication that they were troubled by this question. The Argives simply were looking for an Gerard Naddaf 13 eponymous ancestor who was both fully human and prestigious by birth (not to mention the distinction of having given birth to humanity). From this perspective, the present could find its justification in a genealogy that linked it to the distant past. An example of the second case is offered by the first couple: Deucalion and Pyrrha. According to the legend, Deucalion was the son of Prometheus and Pryneia, and Pyrrha was the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora.11 A first humanity originated from this primordial couple, however, they were subse- quently destroyed by the Flood (Pindar’s Olympian Ode 9.42–53). It is uncer- tain who caused the Flood, but Apollodorus (1.7.2) states that it was Zeus in one of his notorious rages. Deucalion and Pyrrha, however, were warned in advance by Prometheus.12 This warning allowed the couple to build the Greek ark (or chest: lºrnax) in which to take refuge while the cataclysm wiped out the rest of humanity. When the rain finally stopped and the couple touched firm ground, Deucalion offered Zeus a sacrifice, and in return Zeus sent Hermes to grant Deucalion a wish. Deucalion desired that there once again be men (lao√). As a result, a new humanity originated from the stones (lø'V) that the husband and wife threw over their shoulders. When the stones touched the earth, those thrown by Deucalion became men, while those thrown by Pyrrha became women.13 It is only later that Deucalion and Pyrrha sired their own children, including Hellen, the ancestor of all the Greeks. According to this myth, a new humanity was thus born or reborn from death. Indeed, not only is the Greek ark (lºrnax) a source of life (or rebirth) for humanity, but it also serves as a coffin (see LSJ). This is consistent with the play on words or the etymological creation between løaV (stone) and la¬V (people).14 Stones, seemingly inanimate objects, also are the source of life and death for men. As Pindar so pertinently observes, Deucalion and Pyrrha first gave birth to the “stone people” (l√qinon g¬non, Olympian Ode 9.45–46e; see also Apollodorus 1.7.2). Thus it is not surprising that it is without sexual union that Deucalion engenders the Òndr'V and Pyrrha en- genders the gunaƒk'V, that is, the same produces the same. Subsequently, however, the couple will procreate to bring Hellen to the world. This signifies that the existence of Pyrrha as a woman is finally assured.15 The idea that many humanities succeeded each other following similar downfalls or cata- clysms (floods) is certainly not absent in the new rational thought, although it insists, as we shall see, on empirical observation to explain this succession. THE ORIGIN OF ANIMALS AND HUMANITY ACCORDING TO ANAXIMANDER What was Anaximander’s position on the origin of humanity? The explana- tion that Anaximander gives us of the origin of humanity and of the other 14 ANTHROPOGONY AND POLITOGONY IN ANAXIMANDER OF MILETUS living beings (not mentioned by the poets and/or in mythical accounts) is, as in the case of his cosmology, the first naturalistic explanation in this domain. As one might expect, his explanation is entirely consistent with his cosmo- logical system. Indeed, the same natural processes are at work (DK 12A27). Living beings emerge from a sort of primeval moisture or slime (÷x •gro£), which is activated by the heat of the sun after the initial formation of the universe.16 In sum, life results from the action of the hot and the dry on the cold and the wet. Now although Anaximander clearly believed in a “sponta- neous generation,” he did not believe, as did the poets, that humanity and other animal species emerged “whole” from the earth. Indeed, there is an astonishing consistency to his account. According to Aetius (12A30), Anaximander argued that the first animals (tΩ prÍta z¸a) that arose from primeval humidity (÷n •gr¸) were enclosed (or surrounded, p'ri'c¬m'na) in a thorny bark (floioƒV ™kanqÔd'si),17 but that after they grew older and matured, they emerged (™poba√n'in) on dry land, shed their thorny cover- ings, and in a short time after (÷p ’ ıl√gon cr¬non) began a modified form of existence (m'tabiÍnai), that is, adapted to their new environment.18 Al- though it is clear that “all” living creatures arose from the primeval humidity,19 Aetius clearly is referring to potential land animals in his doxography (12A30). It is therefore unclear if Anaximander thought that all living creatures were originally covered in “thorny bark”(floioƒV ™kanqÔd'si) or only the first potential “land animals.” Nor is it clear why Anaximander thought that the first land animals were initially covered this way. The first thing that comes to mind is that it afforded them some sort of protection. But protection from what? Conche conjectures protection from some sort of marine animal such as carnivorous fish.20 However, if Anaximander believed that all marine ani- mals once had thorny encasements, even the carnivorous fish would have been protected in a similar way. Indeed, Conche’s conjecture presupposes that various species of animals already coexisted in the primeval marine environ- ment (we may assume that Anaximander believed that the first creatures were nourished by the primeval slime). Yet it is unclear (although commentators tend to take it for granted) whether Anaximander thought that the various “potential” land animal species already had different “forms” when they in- habited the “marine environment.” What seems certain from the doxographical evidence is that as some of these “thorny” creatures matured, they somehow “migrated” to dry land. And once on dry land, the thorny skin was shed at some point, and shortly after this their mode of living was modified accord- ingly. Of course, it was only after the heat of the sun had evaporated enough of the moisture for dry land to appear that the marine animals could in fact migrate to it (which means that they were not immobile). In sum, the evi- dence suggests (contra Barnes) that Anaximander recognized a connection between his hypothesis of a drying earth and his zoogonical theories.21 Clearly Gerard Naddaf 15 the climatic conditions were behind the numerous changes or modifications in animals, even though the animals themselves had to adapt, that is, trans- form, to adapt to their new environment (a point Plato was happy to endorse in Laws 6.782a–c). Thus there is no doubt that the doxographical evidence suggests that Anaximander defended a doctrine of the transformation of species rather than the immutability of species, although there is nothing to suggest that he also argued (or even suggested) that the transformation was (or would be) ongoing in a manner even reminiscent of Empedocles, let alone Lamarck or Darwin. What about the human species? The doxographies suggest that, accord- ing to Anaximander, humans did not undergo a transformation completely similar to that of other animal species. Pseudo-Plutarch states that Anaximander believed that in the beginning the human species (ÒnqrwpoV) must have been born from living things (or creatures) of another species (÷x ™llo'idÍn z¯¢wn), because humans are the only animals in need of pro- longed nursing after birth, otherwise they would not have survived.22 Hippolytus is more precise. He says that, for Anaximander, humans (Ònqrwpon) were originally similar to (paral–sion) another creature, namely, a fish (Îcq§i).23 Censorius confirms this and explains the reasoning behind it. He says that the Milesian believed that humans initially were formed inside of fish or creatures resembling fish (pisces seu picibus simillima animalia). When the human embryos reached puberty (and thus were capable of reproduction), the fishlike animals broke open and men and women (viros mulieresque) who were capable of nourishing themselves emerged.24 Plutarch, for his part, cor- roborates at least part of Censorius’ doxography.25 He also states that, accord- ing to Anaximander, humans first were born in fish and nourished like dogfish sharks (÷n Îcq§sin ÷gg'n°sqai t¿ prÍton ™nqrÔpouV ™pofa√n'tai ka¥ traf°ntaV, Ïsp'r o˘ gal'o√), and that it was only after they were capable of looking after themselves that they came out (÷kb›nai) and took to the land (g›V lab°sqai). Some remarks are in order here. According to the doxographical evi- dence, Anaximander believed that the human species evolved in a distinctive way, compared to the other animal species. Three doxographies mention that Anaximander thought that the human species evolved in a way different from other animal species (Plutarch, Censorius, and Pseudo-Plutarch), and three doxographies mention a relation with fish in this context (Hippolytus, Censorius, and Pseudo-Plutarch). The general reasoning behind the former is that human infants need their parents to care for them for a long period of time, whereas other newborn animals can quickly look after themselves.26 This is Pseudo-Plutarch’s understanding, and it is confirmed in a sense by both Censorius and Plutarch. Pseudo-Plutarch, for his part, does not mention fish, but only that humans originated (÷gg'n°sqai) from creatures of a different 16 ANTHROPOGONY AND POLITOGONY IN ANAXIMANDER OF MILETUS kind (÷x ™llo'idÍn z±wn), although he clearly has aquatic animals in mind, since all land animals have an aquatic origin. Hippolytus confirms a relation between humans and fish, although he says only that the human species was originally similar to (parapl–sion) fish.27 But what does this mean? If we did not have any other doxographical evidence, we simply would say that humans had a marine existence before transforming into land animals. How- ever, Censorius is much more explicit. He says that Anaximander thought that humans were first formed in fish or fishlike creatures. Censorius accounts for the way Anaximander perceived this. Originally the primordial sea (or the primeval slime) must have secreted (after being acted on by the heat of the sun) different kinds of embryonic life-forms, albeit not necessarily at the same time.28 Some of these embryos evolved into fish or fishlike creatures; others evolved into land animals. Human embryos, on Censorius’ account, were, at some point, somehow swallowed by fish or fishlike creatures but were able to sur- vive like parasites. The human embryos were able, in time, to mature inside of these creatures. When they did reach maturity, the fishlike creature erupted, and men and women who were already able to fend for themselves emerged and, one would presume, were able to procreate. Since we can assume from Censorius’ account that human beings immediately took to dry land after emerging from the fishlike creatures, it follows either that evolution was rapid or that human embryos were secreted by the sea at a later stage. Plutarch appears to confirm Censorius’ account when he states that Anaximander (unlike the Syrians, who attributed a common parentage to fish and humans) declares not only that humans and fish are from the same element, as the Syrians do, but also that humans were first born in fish (÷n Îcq§sin ÷gg'n°sqai t¿ prÍton ™nqrÔpouV). Indeed, he concurs with Censorius that humans also were nourished in fish. What Plutarch adds is the type of fish in which this occurred: the smooth dogfish (gal'o√), which is, like all sharks, a placen- tal animal that gives birth to live young.29 This fish, according to Plutarch (On the Cleverness of Animals 982c; On Affection for Offspring 494c), has a number of fascinating qualities, including viviparous reproduction, nursing of the young within their own bodies, and extruding the young and taking them back again.30 It is because humans were cared for inside of sharks that they were (eventually) able to look after them- selves and then (thnika£ta) come forth (÷kb›nai) and take to dry land (g›V lab°sqai). Of course, Plutarch does not state that the dogfish ruptures, as Censorius notes, after humans reach their maturity inside. The important point to retain with regard to the testimonia of Censorius and Plutarch is that Anaximander was genuinely concerned with accounting for the origin of humans based on the fact that, unlike other land animals, they would be unable to survive as a species without some initial help from Mother Nature. Plutarch and Censorius may be just conjecturing on the source of their own Gerard Naddaf 17 information.31 However, based on the testimonia, it seems safe to say that Anaximander argued that in the beginning, the human species was born from a different animal species that was capable of nourishing humans until they could support themselves.32 We do not know, according to Anaximander, at what moment, or under what influence, the embryo becomes male or female, or when humans begin to procreate. Yet one thing is certain, namely, man no longer has the temporal and logical priority over woman that he possessed in the mythical accounts of the Greeks. Moreover, this is the first rational/ naturalistic account of the origin of humanity of which we are aware. Before reconstructing and examining Anaximander’s account of the de- velopment of society, I recall how this development was perceived before the advent of speculative thought. THE ORIGIN OF SOCIETY ACCORDING TO MYTHICAL ACCOUNTS For ancient peoples, society comes into existence without a real past, in the sense that it only reflects the result of a series of events that took place in illo tempore, that is, before the “chronological” time of the people who narrate the myth. Not only did these events unfold in a time and under conditions that were very different from those experienced by the society narrating the myth, but they also were due to the intervention of supernatural beings. It is for these reasons that the members of archaic society considered their social structure as defined once and for all. In general, a cosmogonical myth is a traditional explanation of how the world order (natural and social) originated for the social group. The world order is seen as the result of the intervention of supernatural beings in another world in a remote past that is different from the one in which the social group lives. The world order generally is understood in terms of the “social reality” of the other world. This “social reality” is perceived as the outcome of a series of conflicts and/or agreements between gods. It is a sort of mirror in which the society narrating the myth observes itself and measures its stability, and the fact that this tradition is “performed” by the community only enhances its persuasive power. Ironically, the Homeric tradition has not bequeathed us a cosmogonical myth strictly speaking, although it is clear that the social reality of Homeric society, in particular the heroic aspect, is a mirror of divine or Olympian society, which in turn mirrors the society (albeit with some confusion) in which the community narrating the tradition resides. While the epics are not without a good deal of historical authenticity (even a rationalist such as Thucycides believed in the Trojan War), the poems represent an age in which deities intervened openly in human life, in a way that later they did not. Not 18 ANTHROPOGONY AND POLITOGONY IN ANAXIMANDER OF MILETUS surprisingly, the deities are portrayed as anthromomorphic beings who not only behave like humans but who actually speak and interact with them. They love, feel anger, suffer, and are mutually related as husbands and wives, par- ents and children. In sum, the deities are portrayed as persons and not ab- stractions. Nor is their sexual activity confined to themselves; the heroes are demigods, because one of their parents (or grandparents) is divine. The struggles of the heroes, therefore, move their divine parents to action. Since what distinguishes one god from another is, as for the heroes, their moƒra of tim– (portions of honor)33, and since respect for this is the essence of social order, it should be no surprise that human/heroic society and divine society are perceived as having a similiar sociopolitical structure in Homer. Just as the deities assemble and sit in council in Olympus,34 so do the heroes/ humans assemble and sit in council.35 Just as Zeus is considered king of the gods,36 so Agammenon is king of men.37 Hesiod, for his part, did bequeath a cosmogonical account. Indeed, his Theogony is a perfect example of a cosmogonical myth. It provides us with an early account of how the world order in which the Greeks lived originated. It describes the origin of the world and of the gods and events that led to the establishment of the present order. It explains how Zeus, after a series of sociopolitical power struggles, defeated his enemies and distributed, as the new ruler, the moƒrai of tima√ among the gods.38 The Theogony thus explains the origin of the organizational structure and code of values of the gods (and by extension the heroes and humans), which we see in action in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey. As Gregory Nagy correctly notes, “the narrative structure of epic, as is the case with myth and mythopoeic thinking in general, frame a value system that sustains and in fact educates a given society” (1982, 43). It may be difficult to determine to what degree Hesiod’s Theogony is his own creation. There is no doubt, however, that it would have been performed (and thus ritualized, so to speak) before an audience. Further, there is no doubt that it was addressed to an “aristocratic elite,” and that it was meant to enhance their value system—a Homeric and thus “conservative” value system, at least by current standards. It is conservative because Hesiod is (or seems to be) ad- vocating a sociopolitical model in which the so-called basil'ƒV or kings are the representatives of Zeus here on earth, and in which their word is analo- gous to the word of Zeus and should thus be obeyed. Of course, it appears that as long as the kings do not make unfair judgments, Hesiod would (or so it seems) have no problem with this “conservative” value system. However, Works and Days presents a very different position. If oral literature, tradition, and myth are a sort of mirror in which the society observes itself and measures its proper stability, then Hesiod’s Works and Days is a wake-up call. While it does contain several traditional myths