The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth., by Frank Hamilton Cushing This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth. Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-83, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1886, pages 467-522 Author: Frank Hamilton Cushing Release Date: November 28, 2005 [EBook #17170] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUEBLO POTTERY *** Produced by Carlo Traverso, Victoria Woosley and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr) SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. A STUDY of PUEBLO POTTERY AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ZUÑI CULTURE GROWTH. BY FRANK HAMILTON CUSHING. CONTENTS. Habitations affected by environment 473 Rectangular forms developed from circular 475 Flat and terraced roofs developed from sloping mesa-sites 477 Added stories developed from limitations of cliff-house sites 479 Communal pueblos developed from congregation of cliff-house tribes 480 Pottery affected by environment 482 Anticipated by basketry 483 Suggested by clay-lined basketry 485 Influenced by local minerals 493 Influenced by materials and methods used in burning 495 Evolution of forms 497 Evolution of decoration 506 Decorative symbolism 510 Index ILLUSTRATIONS. Page. Fig. 490. —A Navajo hut or hogan 473 491. —Perspective view of earliest or Round-house structures of lava 474 492. —Plan of same 475 493. —Section of same 475 494. —Evolution of rectangular forms in primitive architecture 476 495. —Section illustrating evolution of flat roof and terrace 477 496. —Perspective view of a typical solitary-house 478 497. —Plan of a typical solitary-house 478 498. —Typical cliff-dwelling 479 499. —Typical terraced-pueblo—communal type 480 500. —Ancient gourd-vessel encased in wicker 483 501. —Havasupaí roasting-tray, with clay lining 484 502. —Zuñi roasting-tray of earthenware 485 503. —Havasupaí boiling-basket 486 504. —Sketch illustrating the first stage in manufacture of latter 486 505. —Sketch illustrating the second stage in manufacture of latter 486 506. —Sketch illustrating the third stage in manufacture of latter 486 507. —Typical example of basket decoration 487 508. —Typical example of basket decoration 487 509. —Typical example of basket decoration 487 510. —Terraced lozenge decoration or "Double-splint-stitch-form." (Shú k`u tu lia tsí nan) 488 511. —Terraced lozenge decoration or "Double-splint-stitch-form." (Shú k`u tu lia tsí nan) 488 512. —Double-splint-stitch, from which same was elaborated 488 513. —Double-splint-stitch, from which same was elaborated 488 514. —Diagonal parallel-line decoration. (Shú k`ish pa tsí nan) 488 515. —Study of splints at neck of unfinished basket illustrating evolution of latter 489 516. —Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 517. —Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 518. —Cooking pot of spirally built or corrugated ware, showing conical projections near rim 490 519. —The same, illustrating modification of latter 491 520. —Wicker water-bottle, showing double loops for suspension 491 521. —Water-bottle of corrugated ware, showing double handle 492 522. —The same, showing also plain bottom 492 523. —Food trencher or bowl of impervious wicker-work 497 524. —Latter inverted, as used in forming bowls 497 525. —Ancient bowl of corrugated ware, showing comparative shallowness 498 526. —Basket-bowl as base-mold for large vessels 499 527. —Clay nucleus illustrating beginning of a vessel 499 528. —The same shaped to form the base of a vessel 499 529. —The same as first placed in base-mold, showing beginning of spiral building 500 530. —First form of vessel 500 531. —Secondary form in mold, showing origin of spheroidal type of jar 501 532. —Scrapers or trowels of gourd and earthen-ware for smoothing pottery 501 533. —Finished form of a vessel in mold, showing amount of contraction in drying 501 534. —Profile of olla or modern water-jar 502 535. —Base of same, showing circular indentation at bottom 502 536. —Section of same, showing central concavity and circular depression 502 537. —"Milkmaid's boss," or annular mat of wicker for supporting round vessels on the head in carrying 503 538. —Use of annular mat illustrated 503 539. —Section of incipient vessel in convex-bottomed basket-mold 504 540. —Section of same as supported on annular mat and wad of soft substance, for drying 504 541. —Modern base-mold as made from the bottom of water jar 504 542. —Example of Pueblo painted-ornamentation illustrating decorative value of open spaces 506 543 544. —Amazonian basket-decorations, illustrating evolution of the above characteristic 507 545. —Bowl, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 546. —Water-jar, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 547. —Conical or flat-bellied canteen 512 548 549. —The same, compared with human mammary gland 513 550. —Double-lobed or hunter canteen (Me' wi k`i lik ton ne), showing teat-like projections and open spaces of contiguous lines 514 551. —Native painting of deer, showing space-line from mouth to heart 515 552. —Native painting of sea serpent, showing space-line from mouth to heart 515 553. —The fret of basket decoration 516 554. —The fret of pottery decoration 516 555. —Scroll as evolved from fret in pottery decoration 516 556. —Ancient Pueblo "medicine-jar" 517 557. —Decoration of above compared with modern Moki rain symbol 517 558. —Zuñi prayer-meal bowl illustrating symbolism in form and decoration 518 559. —Native paintings of sacred butterfly 519 560. —Native painting of sacred migratory "summer bird" 519 561. —Rectangular or Iroquois type of earthen vessel 519 562. —Kidney-shaped type of vessel of Nicaragua 520 563. —Iroquois bark vessel, showing angles of juncture 520 564. —Porcupine quill decoration on bark vessel, for comparison with Fig. 561. 521 A STUDY OF PUEBLO POTTERY AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ZUÑI CULTURE-GROWTH. BY FRANK H. CUSHING. HABITATIONS AFFECTED BY ENVIRONMENT. It is conceded that the peculiarities of a culture-status are due chiefly to the necessities encountered during its development. In this sense the Pueblo phase of life was, like the Egyptian, the product of a desert environment. Given that a tribe or stock of people is weak, they will be encroached upon by neighboring stronger tribes, and driven to new surroundings if not subdued. Such we may believe was the influence which led the ancestors of the Pueblo tribes to -473- adopt an almost waterless area for their habitat. It is apparent at least that they entered the country wherein their remains occur while comparatively a rude people, and worked out there almost wholly their incipient civilization. Of this there is important linguistic evidence. Fig. 490.—A Navajo hut. A Navajo hogan, or hut, is a beehive-shaped or conical structure (see Fig. 490) of sticks and turf or earth, sometimes even of stones chinked with mud. Yet its modern Zuñi name is hám' pon ne, from ha we, dried brush, sprigs or leaves; and pó an ne, covering, shelter or roof (po a to place over and ne the nominal suffix); which, interpreted, signifies a "brush or leaf shelter." This leads to the inference that the temporary shelter with which the Zuñis were acquainted when they formulated the name here given, presumably in their earliest condition, was in shape like the Navajo hogan, but in material, of brush or like perishable substance. The archaic name for a building or walled inclosure is hé sho ta, a contraction of the now obsolete term, hé sho ta pon ne, from hé sho, gum, or resin-like; shó tai e, leaned or placed together convergingly; and tá po an ne, a roof of wood or a roof supported by wood. Fig. 491.—Perspective view of earliest or Round-house structure of lava. The meaning of all this would be obscure did not the oldest remains of the Pueblos occur in the almost inaccessible lava wastes bordering the southwestern deserts and intersecting them and were not the houses of these ruins built on the plan of shelters, round (see Figs. 491, 492, 493), rather than rectangular. Furthermore, not only does the lava-rock of which their walls have been rudely constructed resemble natural asphaltum (hé sho) and possess a cleavage exactly like that of piñon-gum and allied substances (also hé sho), but some forms of lava are actually known as á he sho or gum-rock. -474- From these considerations inferring that the name hé sho ta pon ne derivatively signifies something like "a gum-rock shelter with roof supports of wood," we may also infer that the Pueblos on their coming into the desert regions dispossessed earlier inhabitants or that they chose the lava-wastes the better to secure themselves from invasion; moreover that the oldest form of building known to them was therefore an inclosure of lava-stones, whence the application of the contraction hé sho ta, and its restriction to mean a walled inclosure. Fig. 492.—Plan of Pueblo structure of lava. Fig. 493.—Section of Pueblo structure of lava. RECTANGULAR FORMS DEVELOPED FROM CIRCULAR. It may be well in this connection to cite a theory entertained by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, of the Bureau of Ethnology, whose wide experience among the southwestern ruins entitles his judgment to high consideration. In his opinion the rectangular form of architecture, which succeeds the type under discussion, must have been evolved from the circular form by the bringing together, within a limited area, of many houses. This would result in causing the wall of one circular structure to encroach upon that of another, suggesting the partition instead of the double wall. This partition would naturally be built straight as a twofold measure of economy. Supposing three such houses to be contiguous to a central one, each separated from the latter by a straight wall, it may be seen that (as in the accompanying plan) the three sides of a square are already formed, suggesting the parallelogramic as a convenient style of sequent architecture. -475- -476- Fig. 494.—Evolution of rectangular forms in primitive architecture. All this, I need scarcely add, agrees not only with my own observations in the field but with the kind of linguistic research above recorded. It would also apparently explain the occurrence of the circular semisubterranean kí wi tsi we, or estufas. These being sacred have retained the pristine form long after the adoption of a modified type of structure for ordinary or secular purposes, according to the well known law of survival in ceremonial appurtenances. In a majority of the lava ruins (for example those occurring near Prescott, Arizona), I have observed that the sloping sides rather than the level tops of mesa headlands have been chosen by the ancients as building-sites. Here, the rude, square type of building prevails, not, however, to the entire exclusion of the circular type, which, is represented by loosely constructed walls, always on the outskirts of the main ruins. The rectangular rooms are, as a rule, built row above row. Some of the houses in the upper rows give evidence of having overlapped others below. (See section, Fig. 495.) FLAT AND TERRACED ROOFS DEVELOPED FROM SLOPING MESA-SITES. We cannot fail to take notice of the indications which this brings before us. (1) It is quite probable that the overlapping resulted from an increase in the numbers of the ancient builders relative to available area, this, as in the first instance, leading to a further massing together of the houses. (2) It suggested the employment of rafters and the formation of the flat roof, as a means of supplying a level entrance way and floor to rooms which, built above and to the rear of a first line of houses, yet extended partially over the latter. (3) This is I think the earliest form of the terrace. Fig. 495.—Section illustrating evolution of flat roof and terrace It is therefore not surprising that the flat roof of to-day is named té k`os kwïn ne, from te, space, region, extension, k`os kwi e, to cut off in the sense of closing or shutting in from one side, and kwïn ne, place of. Nor is it remarkable that no type of ruin in the Southwest seems to connect these first terraced towns with the later not only terraced but also literally cellular buildings, which must be regarded nevertheless as developed from them. The reason for this will become -477- evident on further examination. Fig. 496.—Perspective view of a typical solitary house. Fig. 497.—Plan of a typical solitary house. The modern name for house is k`iá kwïn ne, from k`iá we, water, and kwin ne, place of, literally "watering place;" which is evidence that the first properly so called houses known to the Pueblos were solitary and built near springs, pools, streams, or well-places. The universal occurrence of the vestiges of single houses throughout the less forbidding tracts of the Pueblo country (see Figs. 496 and 497) leads to this inference and to the supposition that the necessity for protection being at last overcome, the denizens of the lava-fields, where planting was well-nigh impossible, descended, building wherever conditions favored the horticulture which gradually came to be their chief means of support. As irrigation was not known until long afterwards, arable areas were limited, hence they were compelled to divide into families or small clans, each occupying a single house. The traces of these solitary farm-houses show that they were at first single-storied. The name of an upper room indicates how the idea of the second or third story was developed, as it is ósh ten u thlan, from ósh ten, a shallow cave, or rock-shelter, and ú thla nai e, placed around, embracing, inclusive of. This goes to show that it was not until after the building of the first small farm-houses (which gave the name to houses) that the caves or rock-shelters of the cliffs were occupied. If predatory border-tribes, tempted by the food- stores of the horticultural farm-house builders, made incursions on the latter, they would find them, scattered as they were, an easy prey. ADDED STORIES FOR CLIFF DWELLINGS DEVELOPED FROM LIMITATIONS OF CLIFF-HOUSE SITES. -478- -479- Fig. 498.—A typical cliff-dwelling. This condition of things would drive the people to seek security in the neighboring cliffs of fertile cañons, where not only might they build their dwelling places in the numerous rock-shelters, but they could also cultivate their crops in comparative safety along the limited tracts which these eyries overlooked. The narrow foothold afforded by many of these elevated cliff-shelves or shelters would force the fugitives to construct house over house; that is, build a second or upper story around the roof of the cavern. What more natural than that this upper room should take a name most descriptive of its situation—as that portion built around the cavern-shelter or ósh ten—or that, when the intervention of peace made return to the abandoned farms of the plains or a change of condition possible, the idea of the second story should be carried along and the name first applied to it survive, even to the present day? That the upper story took its name from the rock-shelter may be further illustrated. The word ósh ten comes from ó sho nan te, the condition of being dusky, dank, or mildewy; clearly descriptive of a cavern, but not of the most open, best lighted, and driest room in a Pueblo house. To continue, we may see how the necessity for protection would drive the petty clans more and more to the cliffs, how the latter at every available point would ultimately come to be occupied, and thus how the "Cliff-dwelling" (see Fig. 498), was confined to no one section but was as universal as the farm-house type of architecture itself, so widespread, in fact, that it has been heretofore regarded as the monument of a great, now extinct race of people! COMMUNAL PUEBLOS DEVELOPED FROM CONGREGATION OF CLIFF- HOUSE TRIBES. -480- Fig. 499.—Typical terraced communal pueblo. We may see, finally, how at last the cañons proved too limited and in other ways undesirable for occupation, the result of which was the confederation of the scattered cliff-dwelling clans, and the construction, first on the overhanging cliff- tops, then on mesas, and farther and farther away, of great, many-storied towns, any one of which was named, in consequence of the bringing together in it of many houses and clans, thlu él lon ne, from thlu a, many springing up, and él lon a, that which stands, or those which stand; in other words, "many built standing together." This cannot be regarded as referring to the simple fact that a village is necessarily composed of many houses standing together. The name for any other village than a communal pueblo is tí na kwïn ne, from tí na—many sitting around, and kwïn ne, place of. This term is applied by the Zuñis to all villages save their own and those of ourselves, which latter they regard as Pueblos, in their acceptation of the above native word. Here, then, in strict accordance with, the teachings of myth, folk-lore and tradition, I have used the linguistic argument as briefest and most convincing in indicating the probable sequence of architectural types in the evolution of the Pueblo; from the brush lodge, of which only the name survives, to the recent and present terraced, many-storied, communal structures, which we may find throughout New Mexico, Arizona, and contiguous parts of the neighboring Territories.[1] POTTERY AFFECTED BY ENVIRONMENT. There is no other section of the United States where the potter's art was so extensively practiced, or where it reached such a degree of perfection, as within the limits of these ancient Pueblo regions. To this statement not even the prolific valleys of the Mississippi and its tributaries form an exception. On examining a large and varied collection of this pottery, one would naturally regard it either as the product of four distinct peoples or as belonging to four different eras, with an inclination to the chronologic division. When we see the reasonable probability that the architecture, the primeval arts and industries, and the culture of the Pueblos are mainly indigenous to the desert and semi-desert regions of North America, we are in the way towards an understanding of the origin and remarkable degree of development in the ceramic art. In these regions water not only occurs in small quantities, but is obtainable only at points separated by great distances, hence to the Pueblos the first necessity of life is the transportation and preservation of water. The skins and paunches of animals could be used in the effort to meet this want with but small success, as the heat and aridity of the atmosphere would in a short time render water thus kept unfit for use, and the membranes once empty would be liable to destruction by drying. So far as language indicates the character of the earliest water vessels which to any extent met the requirements of the Zuñi ancestry, they were tubes of wood or sections of canes. The latter, in ritualistic recitation, are said to have been the receptacles that the creation-priests filled with the sacred water from the ocean of the cave- wombs of earth, whence men and creatures were born, and the name for one of these cane water vessels is shó tom me, from shó e, cane or canes, and tóm me, a wooden tube. Yet, although in the extreme western borders of the deserts, which were probably the first penetrated by the Pueblos, the cane grows to great size and in abundance along -481- -482- the two rivers of that country, its use, if ever extensive, must have speedily given way to the use of gourds, which grew luxuriantly at these places and were of better shapes and of larger capacity. The name of the gourd as a vessel is shoṕ tom me, from shó e, canes, pó pon nai e, bladder-shaped, and tóm me, a wooden tube; a seeming derivation (with the exception of the interpolated sound significant of form) from shó tom me. The gourd itself is called mó thlâ â, "hard fruit." The inference is that when used as a vessel, and called shoṕ tom me, it must have been named after an older form of vessel, instead of after the plant or fruit which produced it. Fig. 500.—Gourd vessel enclosed in wicker. While the gourd was large and convenient in form, it was difficult of transportation owing to its fragility. To overcome this it was encased in a coarse sort of wicker-work, composed of fibrous yucca leaves or of flexible splints. Of this we have evidence in a series of gourd-vessels among the Zuñis, into which the sacred water is said to have been transferred from the tubes, and a pair of which one of the priests, who came east with me two years ago, brought from New Mexico to Boston in his hands—so precious were they considered as relics—for the purpose of replenishing them with water from the Atlantic. These vessels are encased rudely but strongly in a meshing of splints (see Fig. 500), and while I do not positively claim that they have been piously preserved since the time of the universal use of gourds as water- vessels by the ancestry of this people, they are nevertheless of considerable antiquity. Their origin is attributed to the priest-gods, and they show that it must have once been a common practice to encase gourds, as above described, in osiery. POTTERY ANTICIPATED BY BASKETRY. This crude beginning of the wicker-art in connection with water-vessels points toward the development of the wonderful water-tight basketry of the southwest, explaining, too, the resemblance of many of its typical forms to the shapes of gourd-vessels. Were we uncertain of this, we might again turn to language, which designates the impervious wicker water-receptacle of whatever outline as tóm ma, an evident derivation from the restricted use of the word tóm me in connection with gourd or cane vessels, since a basket of any other kind is called tsí ì le. It is readily conceivable that water-tight osiery, once known, however difficult of manufacture, would displace the general use of gourd-vessels. While the growth of the gourd was restricted to limited areas, the materials for basketry were everywhere at hand. Not only so, but basket-vessels were far stronger and more durable, hence more readily transported full of water, to any distance. By virtue of their rough surfaces, any leakage in such vessels was instantly stopped by a daubing of pitch or mineral asphaltum, coated externally with sand or coarse clay to harden it and overcome its adhesiveness. -483- -484- Fig. 501.—Havasupai clay-lined roasting-tray. We may conclude, then, that so long as the Pueblo ancestry were semi-nomadic, basketry supplied the place of pottery, as it still does for the less advanced tribes of the Southwest, except in cookery. Possibly for a time basketry of this kind served in place of pottery even for cookery, as with one of the above-mentioned tribes, the Ha va su paí or Coçoninos, of Cataract Cañon, Arizona. These people, until recently, were cut off from the rest of the world by their almost impenetrable cañon, nearly half a mile in depth at the point where they inhabit it. For example, when I visited them in 1881, they still hafted sharpened bits of iron, like celts, in wood. They had not yet forgotten how to boil food in water-tight basketry, by means of hot stones, and continued to roast seeds, crickets, and bits of meat in wicker-trays, coated inside with gritty clay. (See Fig. 501.) The method of preparing and using these roasting-trays has an important bearing on several questions to which reference will be made further on. A round basket-tray, either loosely or closely woven, is evenly coated inside with clay, into which has been kneaded a very large proportion of sand, to prevent contraction and consequent cracking from drying. This lining of clay is pressed, while still soft, into the basket as closely as possible with the hands and then allowed to dry. The tray is thus made ready for use. The seeds or other substances to be parched are placed inside of it, together with a quantity of glowing wood-coals. The operator, quickly squatting, grasps the tray at opposite edges, and, by a rapid spiral motion up and down, succeeds in keeping the coals and seeds constantly shifting places and turning over as they dance after one another around and around the tray, meanwhile blowing or puffing, the embers with every breath to keep them free from ashes and glowing at their hottest. That this clay lining should grow hard from continual heating, and in some instances separate from its matrix of osiers, is apparent. The clay form thus detached would itself be a perfect roasting-vessel. POTTERY SUGGESTED BY CLAY-LINED BASKETRY. This would suggest the agency of gradual heat in rendering clay fit for use in cookery and preferable to any previous makeshift. The modern Zuñi name for a parching-pan, which is a shallow bowl of black-ware, is thlé mon ne, the name for a basket-tray being thlä' lin ne. The latter name signifies a shallow vessel of twigs, or thlá we; the former etymologically interpreted, although of earthenware, is a hemispherical vessel of the same kind and material. All this would indicate that the thlä' lin ne, coated with clay for roasting, had given birth to the thlé mon ne, or parching-pan of earthenware. (See Fig. 502.) -485- Fig. 502.—Zuñi earthenware roasting tray. Among the Havasupaí, still surviving as a sort of bucket, is the basket-pot or boiling-basket, for use with hot stones, which form I have also found in some of the cave deposits throughout the ancient Zuñi country. These vessels (see Fig. 503) were bottle-shaped and provided near the rims of their rather narrow mouths with a sort of cord or strap-handle, attached to two loops or eyes (Fig. 503 a) woven into the basket, to facilitate handling when the vessel was filled with hot water. In the manufacture of one of these vessels, which are good examples of the helix or spirally-coiled type of basket, the beginning was made at the center of the bottom. A small wisp of fine, flexible grass stems or osiers softened in water was first spirally wrapped a little at one end with a flat, limber splint of tough wood, usually willow (see Fig. 504). This wrapped portion was then wound upon itself; the outer coil thus formed (see Fig. 505) being firmly fastened as it progressed to the one already made by passing the splint wrapping of the wisp each time it was wound around the latter through some strands of the contiguous inner coil, with the aid of a bodkin. (See Fig. 506.) The bottom was rounded upward and the sides were made by coiling the wisp higher and higher, first outward, to produce the bulge of the vessel, then inward, to form the tapering upper part and neck, into which, the two little twigs or splint loop-eyes were firmly woven. (See again Fig. 503 a.) Fig. 503.—Havasupaí boiling-basket. -486- Fig. 504. Fig. 505. Fig. 506. Sketches illustrating manufacture of spirally-coiled basketry. Fig. 507.—Typical basket decoration. Fig. 508.—Typical basket decoration. -487- Fig. 510. Fig. 511. Fig. 512. Fig. 513. Fig. 509.—Typical basket decoration. These and especially kindred forms of basket-vessels were often quite elaborately ornamented, either by the insertion at proper points of dyed wrapping-splints, singly, in pairs, or in sets, or by the alternate painting of pairs, sets, or series of stitches. Thus were produced angular devices, like serrated bands, diagonal or zigzag lines, chevrons, even terraces and frets. (See Figs. 507, 508, 509.) There can be no doubt that these styles and ways of decoration were developed, along with the weaving of baskets, simply by elaborating on suggestions of the lines and figures unavoidably produced in wicker-work of any kind when strands of different colors happened to be employed together. Even slight discolorations in occasional splints would result in such suggestions, for the stitches would here show, there disappear. The probability of this view of the accidental origin of basket-ornamentation may be enhanced by a consideration of the etymology of a few Zuñi decorative terms, more of which might be given did space admit. A terraced lozenge (see Figs. 510,511), instead of being named after the abstract word a wi thlui ap í pä tchi na, which signifies a double terrace or two terraces joined together at the base, is designated shu k`u tu li a tsi' nan, from shu e, splints or fibers; k`u tsu, a double fold, space, or stitch (see Figs. 512, 513); li a, an interpolation referring to form; and tsi' nan, mark; in other words, the "double splint-stitch-form mark." Likewise, a pattern, composed principally of a series of diagonal or oblique parallel lines en masse (see Fig. 514), is called shu' k`ish pa tsí nan, from shú e, splints; k`i'sh pai e, tapering (k`ish pon ne, neck or smaller part of anything); and tsí nan, mark; that is, "tapering" or "neck-splint mark." Curiously enough, in a bottle-shaped basket as it approaches completion the splints of the tapering part or neck all lean spirally side by side of one another (see Fig. 515), and a term descriptive of this has come to be used as that applied to lines resembling it, instead of a derivative from ä's sël lai e, signifying an oblique or leaning line. Where splints variously arranged, or stitches, have given names to decorations—applied even to painted and embroidered designs—it is not difficult for us to see that these same combinations, at first unintentional, must have suggested the forms to which they gave names as decorations. Terraced lozenge decoration, or "double-splint-stitch-forms." Double-splint-stitch. -488- -489- Fig. 516. Fig. 517. Fig. 514.—Diagonal parallel-line decoration. Fig. 515.—Splints at neck of unfinished basket. Examples of indented decoration on corrugated ware. Pueblo coiled pottery developed from basketry.—Seizing the suggestion afforded by the rude tray-molded parching- bowls, particularly after it was discovered that if well burned they resisted the effects of water as well as of heat, the ancient potter would naturally attempt in time to reproduce the boiling-basket in clay. She would find that to accomplish