A First Look at the Language of Kundal Shahi in Azad Kashmir Khawaja A. Rehman and Joan L.G. Baart SIL International 2005 2 Contents Abstract 1. Introduction 2. The language, its speakers, and their environment 2.1 Geographical location 2.2 Name of the people and the language 2.3 Linguistic environment 2.4 Speakers 2.5 History 2.6 Socioeconomic conditions 2.7 Political conditions 2.8 Religion 2.9 The sociolinguistic situation 2.10 Lexical similarity with neighboring languages 3. Preliminary notes on linguistic structures in Kundal Shahi 3.1 Phonology 3.1.1 Consonants 3.1.2 Vowels 3.1.3 Tones 3.2 Morphology 3.2.1 Nouns 3.2.2 Pronouns and demonstrative adjectives 3.2.3 Verbs 3.2.4 Negation 4. Conclusion Abbreviations Appendix 1: Wordlist Appendix 2: Texts References 3 Abstract This paper presents some preliminary notes on the previously undescribed Indo-Aryan language of Kundal Shahi, a village in Pakistani-administered Kashmir. We present data from which it appears that the Kundal Shahi language must have descended from an archaic form of Shina, while showing more recent influences from Kashmiri and Hindko in particular. It is not mutually intelligible with any of these languages. Like many other languages in the northwestern corner of the South-Asian subcontinent, Kundal Shahi has contrastive tone. With less than 500 active speakers, most of whom are over 40 years of age, the language is definitely endangered. 1. Introduction In this paper, we present some preliminary notes on the language spoken by the Qureshi tribe in Kundal Shahi, a village in the Neelam Valley of Pakistani-administered Kashmir. To our knowledge, this language has until now not been recorded in the published linguistic literature. The first formal linguistic research effort on the Kundal Shahi language that we are aware of was made by three members of the team of the Sociolinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan. In January 1989, Mr. Muhammad Arif, Mr. Peter Backstrom, and Mr. Ken Decker visited Muzaffarabad, the capital of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, in order to learn more about the languages spoken in northern Azad Kashmir. During interviews on this trip, several men from Authmuqam in the Neelam Valley mentioned the existence of a language in Kundal Shahi, near Authmuqam, called “Rowri.” This language was reported to be spoken by 100 to 400 people and was not intelligible to other people. In April 1989, the same survey team members obtained a three-day permit from the Home Secretary in Muzaffarabad and travelled up the Neelam Valley to Kundal Shahi. Upon their arrival there they began to inquire about the languages spoken in the area. Initially, people responded that Urdu was the language spoken in that area. After probing deeper the people would hesitantly respond that their own language was Pahari or Hindko. Upon further questioning if anybody spoke a language different from Pahari or Hindko, they began to get reports of “Shina” being spoken in the area. No one had ever heard of “Rowri.” Eventually, the survey team members found some ten men who spoke “Shina” and considered it their best language. A number of these men were interviewed, and a wordlist was collected of 210 words as well as two short stories (K. D. Decker, personal communication, September 3, 2003). Due to a shortage of time and an abundance of other pressing duties, the materials collected in Kundal Shahi in 1989 were not included in the published report of the Sociolinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan (O’Leary 1992) and in fact have remained unpublished until the present day. The first author of the current paper, Mr. Khawaja Rehman, is a native speaker of Kashmiri, who was born and raised and is still residing in the Neelam Valley. With an M.A. degree in English language and linguistics from the University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Muzaffarabad, Rehman developed a keen interest in the existence within the borders of his native district of the hitherto undescribed language of Kundal Shahi. Starting in April 2002, he began to make regular visits to the village and to collect language data there, under the guidance of Raja Nasim Akhtar, chairman of the English department at the University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. In December 2002, Rehman was introduced through the services of Pakistani linguist Tariq Rahman to Mr. Joan Baart in Islamabad, the second author of this paper. Baart is a descriptive linguist with SIL who has been working on several languages of Pakistan for a number of years. From that time on, Rehman and Baart have been working on the Kundal Shahi language together, and the current paper is a first product of this cooperation. As a resident of the area, Rehman has relatively easy access to Kundal Shahi village and the speakers of the language, and continues to make regular fieldwork visits. The information presented in this paper was collected by him. Rehman and Baart have been working jointly on transcription and analysis of the data, as well as on the writing of this paper. The remainder of this paper is organized into two main sections. Section 2 summarizes what we have learned so far about the historical, cultural, political, social, and sociolinguistic settings of the Kundal- 4 Shahi-speaking community. Section 3 presents a few preliminary notes on the phonology and morphology of the language. A wordlist and two sample texts are provided in the appendices. In the paper, we use a standard orientalist transcription for representing Kundal Shahi language data (see tables 3 and 6 for explanation). Long vowels, however, are written with a double vowel symbol, rather than with the customary macron above the vowel (e.g., ‘hair’ instead of ). baal ba2l 2. The language, its speakers, and their environment 2.1 Geographical location Kundal Shahi ( ) is a village (or, rather, a scattered settlement area) that is located in the Neelam kunDal }ai Valley, at an elevation of approximately 1,350 meters above sea level, at the point where the Jagran Nallah ( ) joins the Neelam River (also called Kishanganga). Bates’ gazetteer of Kashmir (Bates jaagraa~ naala 1873:174) listed its geographical location as lat. 34°33' N., long. 73°53' E. (the place name shown in the gazetteer is Darral; the location corresponds to a mohalla of present-day Kundal Shahi that is actually called ). Settlements belonging to the village of Kundal Shahi are found on both sides of the Jagran dulaR Nallah, at a few minutes walking distance from the Neelam Valley highway. The distance from Muzaffarabad, the capital of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, to Kundal Shahi is some 74 kilometers by road. Between, roughly, Tithwal and Sharda, the Neelam Valley runs parallel to the Kaghan valley in the West, and is separated from it by a range of high mountains, some peaks of which reach an altitude of over 4,000 meters above sea level. The Line of Control (LoC), which separates the Indian-administered part of Kashmir from the Pakistani-administered part, runs through, or close to, the Neelam Valley, at some points right along the river and at other points across the mountains on the left side of the river. At Kundal Shahi, the LoC is removed by a few kilometers from the bank of the Neelam River. This makes Kundal Shahi a relatively safe place as far as cross-border shelling is concerned, and for this reason the tehsil headquarters, formerly in Authmuqam 10 kilometers up the valley, have been shifted in recent years to Kundal Shahi. On the right bank of the Jagran Nallah in Kundal Shahi, a small hydro-electric power station has been built. Also on the right side, an area of dense forest stretches down towards the bank of the stream. 2.2 Name of the people and the language The language under study in this paper is spoken by an ethnic group in Kundal Shahi called Qureshi. They make up the majority of the population of Kundal Shahi village, probably around 90 percent. The tribal name Qureshi is widespread in Pakistan. As Wikeley (1915:87) reported, “Koréshis are found throughout the Punjáb, they are most numerous in the Rawalpindi, Multán and Jhang districts…The Koréshis claim descent from the tribe to which the Prophet belonged…The tribe is respected by Muhammadans for its sanctity.” The language that is being described in this paper seems to be unique to Kundal Shahi and is not associated with the Qureshis in general. There are families of some other tribes in the village as well, including Sheikhs, Mughals, and Sayyids, but these constitute only a small minority of the population. All these other tribes speak Hindko as their native language. (We use the name “Hindko” in this paper, which seems to be the more common name among the people of the Neelam Valley; whether the variety spoken in the Neelam Valley is actually more closely related to the Hindko of the Kaghan Valley, or to varieties of the Pahari of the Murree hills and the Pothwari of the plains of district Rawalpindi, is something that remains to be determined.) The people of the Qureshi tribe in Kundal Shahi do not have a specific name for their language. They may refer to it simply as ‘our own speech’. Hindko-speaking outsiders may refer to the language as apii~ boúoúl ‘language of Kundal Shahi’, or as . The latter term is regarded as perjorative. kunDal }ai dii zabaan raawRii According to our understanding, it was originally used by Hindko speakers to refer to the Pashto language and then consequently its use was extended to include some other non-Hindko languages as well. 5 In this paper we refer to the language as the Kundal Shahi language, and simply as Kundal Shahi (abbreviated KS) in contexts where there is no potential confusion as to whether we are talking about the language or the village. 2.3 Linguistic environment As stated above, the Qureshis in Kundal Shahi share their village with Hindko-speaking tribes, although within the village area the latter are only a small minority. All the villages surrounding Kundal Shahi are Hindko-speaking. In the upper parts of the Jagran Nallah, permanent settlements of Gujars are found. Hindko is the predominant language of the Neelam Valley. Kashmiri, too, is spoken in several villages of this area. In some of these villages, the Kashmiri speakers live among the Hindko speakers. A few other villages are entirely Kashmiri. Also in the main Neelam Valley, both settled and nomadic Gujars are found. In the highest inhabitable parts of the valley on the Pakistani side of the LoC there are two villages where Shina is spoken (Phulawai and Taobat). Pashto is spoken in two villages of the Neelam Valley that are located on the LoC, Dhakki and Changnar (Chaknot). 2.4 Speakers The Qureshi tribe in Kundal Shahi comprises approximately 1,500 to 2,000 people. Some fifty years ago, all members of the tribe would use the Kundal Shahi language actively on a daily basis. However, in more recent years a process of language shift has been taking place, so that the newer generations (roughly, people under twenty years old) do not learn to speak their ancestral language anymore and learn Hindko instead as their native language. According to our interviewees, at the current time only some 20 percent of the members of the tribe still use the language actively on a daily basis. A much larger group (more than 50 percent) can still understand the language even though they do not use it in daily conversation. The younger children no longer fully understand the language, although they usually know at least some words and phrases. Among the other tribes living in Kundal Shahi, there are some people who have learned the language of the Qureshis to some extent. However, this is not very common, as Hindko is the language that is normally used in interaction between the Qureshis and other tribes. 2.5 History According to a local tradition (related to the first author by Mr. Jalal-ud-Din, currently one of the oldest members of the community), the ancestor of the Qureshis in Kundal Shahi was a man called Kamaal Khan. He lived in a village in Kashmir called Tijjar, located to the northwest of the town of Sopore. Approximately three hundred years ago, Kamaal Khan left Tijjar and traveled to Muzaffarabad, where he lived for a while. After a power struggle with one of his grandsons, Kamaal Khan was forced to leave Muzaffarabad. He surveyed several places in the Neelam Valley, and then chose the location of Kundal Shahi and settled there. Two sons of Kamaal Khan, Sikandar Khan and Hyder Khan, went with him to Kundal Shahi. There was also a third brother, whose name was Hatim Khan. He settled in Kian Sharif, higher up in the Jagran Valley. His son, Shah Gul, moved with his family from there to the Kaghan Valley. At first he was not allowed to settle there, but he went back and got a letter of introduction from the ruler of the Neelam Valley, Raja Sher Ahmad. With this letter, he was able to settle in Andhera Bela in Kaghan. From Andhera Bela, the sons of Shah Gul proceeded to Babusar, and from there to a place called Gosher in the Chilas area. Their descendants are still found there today. In Chilas, this community is known by the name of Timre. Also, a group stayed behind in Andhera Bela in the Kaghan Valley and their descendants are still there until the present day. 6 Mr. Jalal-ud-Din reports that of the two clans (Sikandar Khan and Hyder Khan) that stayed behind in Kundal Shahi, the clan of Hyder Khan developed a pattern of frequent intermarriage with other tribes, taking wives from other tribes and giving their daughters in marriage to men of other tribes. The clan of Sikandar Khan have always married within the tribe. The nambardars (village headmen) of Kundal Shahi used to come from the clan of Hyder Khan. 2.6 Socioeconomic conditions Traditionally, the people of Kundal Shahi are subsistence farmers, combining agriculture and animal husbandry. The main crops nowadays are maize and wheat. As to animals, the people mainly keep cattle and chickens. Hardly any of them keep goats or sheep. In the winter, cows are kept in the village. In the summer, the families take their cattle to the summer pastures and stay there for a period of two months. Additional income is earned from employment in government jobs, while some people run shops in the bazaar. Some people go to the major cities of Pakistan to find employment, and a few even go to the countries of the Gulf region to work. Some wealth came to the village due to the presence of a Swedish firm, Skanska, who carried out a hydro-electric power project in the Jagran Valley and hired many people from Kundal Shahi at lucrative salaries. The village has a few Urdu-medium primary schools (including one for girls), a high school for boys, and recently a degree college for boys was shifted from Authmuqam to Kundal Shahi for security reasons. A number of English-medium private schools have also started to operate in the village. Most of the village boys and some of the girls are attending school in Kundal Shahi. The hillsides of the Jagran Valley are covered by a dense forest, which is being managed by the government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. It is said that the best quality of deodar in all of Azad Kashmir is found in the Jagran Valley. The people of Kundal Shahi are sometimes employed in forestry work, but the community does not have ownership rights over the forest, nor do they receive forest royalties. 2.7 Political conditions Some one or two hundred years ago, the people of Kundal Shahi invited a religious authority to come and live with them for the purpose of imparting religious education to them and to be the prayer leader in their mosque. The descendants of this religious teacher are still there and are popularly known as Mians. Although they are no longer religious leaders, the Mian family still provides political leadership to this community and also in the wider region. One man, Mian Ghulam Rasul (now deceased) was a minister in the government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and was elected four times to the AJK Legislative Assembly. The Qureshis of Kundal Shahi still regard this family as their leaders. The Mians of Kundal Shahi speak Hindko as their mother tongue, but some of them, including Mian Ghulam Rasul, could also speak the KS language. In elections, the people of Kundal Shahi usually vote overwhelmingly in favor of the Mians, who are aligned with the Pakistan People’s Party (Azad Kashmir). Other political parties hardly get any support in Kundal Shahi. One man from the Qureshi tribe has served as a Union Council chairman, and he, too, is regarded as a local leader. The area has been deeply affected by the division of Kashmir. Before 1947, the people of the Neelam Valley related to Srinagar as the capital of the state of Jammu and Kashmir and as its administrative, judicial, educational, employment, and trading centre. After the division of Kashmir these ties were cut off and people had to relate primarily to Muzaffarabad and the areas beyond Muzaffarabad (Hazara, Rawalpindi) for all these purposes. Only in the 1960s and 1970s a road was constructed from Muzaffarabad to places like Kundal Shahi and other villages higher up in the Neelam Valley. 7 As a result of the frequent hostilities between the Pakistani and Indian armies, travel from Kundal Shahi to Muzaffarabad may be hazardous and time-consuming. If one travels along the main road, there is a stretch of approximately twenty kilometers that can often only be traveled by foot. The road in that area runs right along the LoC and in times of increased tension between the two countries the Indian army does not allow vehicular traffic there. The alternative is to take a by-pass through Leswa village. This increases the distance to be traveled by thirty kilometers. 2.8 Religion The majority of the people of Kundal Shahi belong to the Barelvi sect of Sunni Islam. This sect also runs a madrassa in the village. Interestingly, the orientation of the Mian family (mentioned above) is Deobandi rather than Barelvi. Some people of the village go to Muzaffarabad and the Punjab to study in Barelvi madrassas. According to many of our interviewees, the people of Kundal Shahi regard Saadat Ali Shah, the current pir of Choora Sharif in Attock district, as their spiritual leader. In the Jagran Valley there is a shrine of a saint in the village of Kian Sharif, located higher up on the hillside, several kilometers from Kundal Shahi. This shrine attracts visitors from all over the Neelam Valley and Muzaffarabad as well. 2.9 The sociolinguistic situation All members of the Qureshi tribe in Kundal Shahi, male and female, are fluent speakers of Hindko, which is the language of wider communication in the area. According to our interviewees, some twenty or thirty years ago most of the women of the tribe could only speak the KS language and hardly understood any Hindko, but nowadays the women, too, are bilingual in Hindko. The KS language is used actively on a daily basis by only some 20 percent of the Qureshi tribe. Mostly these are people over forty years of age. Younger children usually do not speak the language and will understand only some words and phrases of the language. In between there is a whole group of people who do not use the language actively but who do understand it fully. Educated people of the tribe speak Urdu in addition to Hindko and KS. A few highly educated people know English as well. The KS language is primarily used in the homes and with other speakers outside of the home when no Hindko speakers are participating in the conversation. In the schools the language is not used. Urdu is the language of education and informally Hindko may be used for classroom explanation. In May 2003 the first author interviewed eleven male members of the Qureshi tribe in Kundal Shahi. The ages of the interviewees ranged from 25 to 75 years old. All were born, raised, and are currently residing in Kundal Shahi. The interviewees were asked about the first language of their father, the first language of their mother, the language that their parents used with them, the language that currently feels easiest to them, the language that they use with the women in their house, and the language that they use with the children in their house. The responses to these questions are presented in table 1. 8 TABLE 1: Use of KS and Hindko as reported by 11 male members of the Qureshi tribe No. Age Father’s Mother’s Raised in ‘Easiest’ Language Language first first which language used with used with language language language women children 1 25 KS KS Hindko Hindko Hindko Hindko 2 31 KS KS Hindko Hindko Hindko Hindko 3 39 KS KS Hindko Hindko Hindko Hindko 4 39 KS Hindko Hindko Hindko Hindko Hindko 5 42 KS Hindko both Hindko Hindko Hindko 6 50 KS KS KS KS KS Hindko 7 53 KS KS KS KS KS Hindko 8 55 KS KS KS both KS Hindko 9 62 KS KS KS KS KS KS 10 62 KS Hindko both both Hindko Hindko 11 75 KS KS KS KS KS both All respondents report that their father’s first language is KS. Eight respondents also have a KS-speaking mother, whereas three have a Hindko-speaking mother. Two of the respondents that were born in mixed families were raised in both languages: their fathers would use KS with them and their mothers Hindko. The youngest of the respondents born in mixed families was raised in Hindko only. As a matter of fact, all respondents under forty years of age report that they have been raised in Hindko only. They also report, not surprisingly, that Hindko is the easiest language for them. Almost all respondents report that they use Hindko with the children in their house. The reason they give is that children do not understand the KS language well enough. Among the respondents, only one man reports that KS is still being used as the first language with the children of his household. What table 1 illustrates, then, and what is confirmed by numerous informal conversations with members of the community, is a change in the Qureshi community of Kundal Shahi that started around forty years ago and that spread very rapidly across almost the entire community, namely that parents started to exclusively use Hindko with their children at the expense of KS. This happened in families where the mother is a Hindko speaker, but also in families where both parents themselves are KS speakers. Even though the KS language is under tremendous pressure from Hindko, which surrounds it from all sides and is the predominant language of the area, and even though many speakers of the KS language are shifting to Hindko as their first language, it is nevertheless the case that a majority of the Qureshis have a positive attitude towards the idea of language preservation. They do not want the KS language to become extinct, and they would like to see it documented and written. However, as the number of active speakers of the language is shrinking and the language is no longer being transmitted to the younger generations, the future of the language is very much in question. Unless efforts are undertaken to reverse language shift in Kundal Shahi, the language may become extinct in another sixty years or so, when the last speakers will have passed away. 2.10 Lexical similarity with neighboring languages In February 2003, a wordlist of 199 items was recorded on audiocassette in Kundal Shahi with seven native speakers of the KS language. This wordlist was based on the one used in the Sociolinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan (O’Leary 1992). On the basis of these recordings (which provided seven renderings of each item in the list), broad phonetic transcriptions were made of the words in the list. The KS wordlist with broad phonetic transcriptions is presented in appendix 1. 9 Subsequently, these transcriptions were compared with the wordlists for Shina, Hindko, Gujari, and Indus Kohistani as found in O’Leary 1992. Also a comparison was made with a Kashmiri wordlist. The Kashmiri wordlist was based on the speech of the first author, who is a native speaker of this language. For the purpose of these comparisons, we looked in particular at the Shina wordlists recorded in Astor and Jalkot, at the Hindko wordlist recorded in Balakot, at the Gujari wordlist recorded in Subri in northern Azad Kashmir, and at the Indus Kohistani wordlist recorded in Jijal. The criteria for lexical similarity used in this study were the same as those used for the Sociolinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan as described in O’Leary 1992. In scoring lexical similarity, we used a simple binary classification for each pair of items, namely similar versus not similar. The results, given as percentages of similar lexical items, are presented in table 2. TABLE 2: Lexical similarity scores between KS and neighboring languages in percentages Kundal Shahi 49 Shina (Astor and Jalkot) 47 Hindko (Balakot) 45 Kashmiri (Khawaja Seri, AJK) 40 Gujari (Subri) 34 Indus Kohistani (Jijal) If we assume a threshold of 80 percent lexical similarity above which two speech varieties may be assumed to be mutually intelligible to a significant degree, then the first conclusion to be drawn from these results is that the language of Kundal Shahi does not even come close to that threshold when it is compared with any of its neighbors. In other words, it is highly unlikely that KS is mutually intelligible with any of these languages. This conclusion is corroborated by what the neighboring communities themselves are reporting about the intelligibility of the KS language. The conclusion is further corroborated by local traditions among the Qureshis of Kundal Shahi, which speak about the use of the language for conveying secret messages. For instance, under the Dogra maharajas, the slaughtering of cows and the eating of beef were prohibited. The people of Kundal Shahi, who are Muslims, would continue these practices notwithstanding the prohibition. When the police or other officials came, suspecting that the people were hiding beef somewhere, the people would call to one another in the KS language to convey warnings and instructions regarding the illegal beef, much to the frustration of the officials as they could not understand this language. A second conclusion to be drawn from the table is that the KS language may be genealogically more closely related to Shina than to the other languages used in the comparison. The KS vocabulary shows a somewhat closer affinity with Shina, Hindko, and Kashmiri, as opposed to Gujari and Indus Kohistani. However, while the similarity scores for Hindko and Kashmiri are not drastically different from those for Shina, the influence of Hindko and Kashmiri on KS can easily be explained from extended periods of language contact. In its previous location in what is now Indian-administered Kashmir, the community would have been in close contact with Kashmiri, the predominant language of the Kashmir valley. After their migration to Kundal Shahi, ties with the Kashmir valley continued to exist up to 1947. In its current location in Kundal Shahi, the community is surrounded by Hindko, the language of wider communication for much of the Neelam Valley and for a large area to the West of that. On the other hand, in neither of these two locations was or is intensive contact with Shina likely, or would Shina be a language of high utility or prestige. The relatively high lexical similarity scores between KS and Shina may therefore point to a closer genealogical relatedness of the two, rather than to a period of intensive language contact in the not-too-distant past. 10 3. Preliminary notes on linguistic structures in Kundal Shahi 3.1 Phonology 3.1.1 Consonants Table 3 presents a preliminary chart of consonant phonemes of KS. It appears from the chart that KS does not have a series of voiced aspirated stops ( ), and neither does it have retroflex fricatives bh, dh, Dh, jh, gh and affricates ( , etc.). The loss of voiced aspirates is consistent with developments in many of the so- S, C called “Dardic” languages (cf. Schmidt 1981:18). On the other hand, many of the Dardic languages do have retroflex fricatives and affricates, which are missing in KS. Kashmiri, though, is another, closely-related language that does not have these sounds. In our limited data, the sound almost always occurs K immediately before , where it could be the result of place assimilation. (We have one example that might g point to independent phonemic status for , namely ‘horn’.) K }iiK TABLE 3: Consonant chart for Kundal Shahi labial dental retroflex palatal velar glottal plosives ph th Th kh p t T k b d D g affricates ch c j fricatives f s } x h z nasals m n N (K) laterals l flaps r R semivowels w y Table 4 illustrates the occurrence of the KS consonants in word-initial, intervocalic, and word-final positions. At this point no overly firm conclusions can be drawn from the fact that certain cells in the table are empty, as at least in some cases this may be due to the limited amount of data that we have collected thus far. The occurrence of the semivowels and in word-final position is flagged with a question mark. y w At this time we do not know enough about the language to be certain that these sounds are to be interpreted as consonantal rather than vocalic. TABLE 4: Consonant distribution in initial, intervocalic, and final positions initial intervocalic final ph phiTgFl ‘broken’ p pan ‘leaf’ kapuR ‘cloth’ }ap ‘wild onion’ b buT ‘all’ kh|5bak ‘lightning’ gub ‘heavy’ th thuun(i) ‘pillar’ nath ‘nose’ t ‘rice’ ‘where’ ‘blood’ too~l katii raat d ‘tooth’ ‘rope’ ‘river’ daan gudaam nad Th Thuul ‘egg’ kaaThoo ‘wood’ kOOTh ‘house’ T Tax ‘button’ baToo ‘stone’ muT ‘tree’ D Daak ‘back of body’ kanD ‘thorn’