A Dynasty of Mass Murderers: Bush Family Nazis By Omasiali's Blog April 25, 2011 Four generations of the sociopathic predator George W. Bush family have been attacking the human race through stealth practices, and contributing to the mass murder of millions of people. The Bush family has financed, aided and abetted, and collaborated with the most evil dictators and tyrants of the 20th century. The story is too complicated as told by most historians, so this is an attempt to give a concise overview of the key points of this geneology of monsters which can be easily grasped by the general public. Of course this is a simplification and many links are provided to documentation online. More complete history is found in books in libraries which are copyrighted and therefore not on the internet. George Herbert Walker – a supreme predator, operating with top organized crime lords, devoured companies and people’s life works for their private enrichment without honest work of the few cannibals hiding behind facades of feigned decency. [1] His allies, collaborators, and sometimes business partners included John D. Rockefeller (founder of Exxon way back then under the name of Standard Oil of New Jersey), [2] [3] E.H. Harriman (owned railroads) [4] [5] [6] and William Rockefeller(financed Harriman’s railroad through Rockefeller’s ‘Citibank’ predecessor). [7] [8] Walker is the architypal Wall Street War Profiteer, with office headquarters address at 1 Wall Street. [9] [10] Samuel Prescott Bush – He was son of a Episcopalian preacher converted over to the satanic side by George Herbert Walker. Walker and Bush would each contribute one child to the marriage of Prescott Bushand Dorothy Walker to produce grandson George Herbert Walker Bush, and great- grandson George Walker Bush.Sam started out as low-management for railroads, where he made the connections needed to move over to Buckeye Steel Castings Company. Buckeye harbored railroad strike-breaker sentiment from the president on down. It’s founder was member of the “Cleveland Gatling Gun Battery”,[11] called a military and social organization, set up in 1878, the year after nationwide railroad strikes the year before. This guns and railroad connection returns for World War I, when Buckeye Steel produced gun barrels and shell casings,[12] and Sam Bush was moved by his employer-owners puppet-masters into the position of chief of the Ordnance, Small Arms and Ammunition Section of the War Industries Board. Bush took national responsibility for government assistance to and relations with Remington and other weapons companies.[13] Preacher’s son Bush looks innocent until you are informed that his patron, Percy Rockefeller [14] took control of Remington Arms in 1914. [15] Frank Rockefellerwas president of Buckeye Steel for three years from 1905-1908, followed by Sam Bush from 1908-1937, throughout the WWI years and the gunbarrel sales era of Buckeye.[16] In 1915 a new Remington plant was constructed, operational by 1916 for the first world war, just in time to get a million rifle order from Russia.[17], [18] 67% of all the ammunition used in WWI by the US, Britain and Russia was sold by “Merchants of Death” Remington. [19] [20] [21] Samuel Prescott Bush was an early president of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), which is has always been anti-worker, anti-consumer-rights, and ultra-conservative. Three past presidents of NAM helped Robert Welch form the John Birch Society, to uphold the tradition of Sam Bush — Bush’s Buckeye Steel employees worked seven days per week, 12 hours per day. It’s not a far step for son Prescott Bush managing Auschwitz slave labor worked to death. Prescott Sheldon Bush – Best known for serving in the US armed forces in Arizona during WWI spent defacing Geronimo’s grave and grave-robbing the skull for his germanic secret piracy club “Skull and Bones Society” headquartered at Yale, University. [22] [23] [24] What he is not famous for was his financier banker support of Adolph Hitler, theNazi Storm Troopers, Auschwitz and death camps. In his quest to get rich Prescott Bush collaborated with the Nazis before war broke out and through the year after Pearl Harbor Prescott Bush became Hitler’s banker when he became Fritz Thyssen‘s banker. [25] [26] The incredible loot Fritz’s father made in steel, coal, and railroads during WWI was hidden in Holland. Shortly afterwards he was looking to spread some in America and opened a front operation through E.R. Harriman in New York City. [27] [28], [29] In fact, reports indicate that the Bush connections to Nazi money continued through1951. [30] The reason Auschwitz was located where it was is because that is near where Fritz Thyssen‘s coal, steel, and railroads were. [31] [32] That made it possible for I.G. Farben to synthesize fuel from coal gasification for the war machine there, which made it also possible to synthesize rubber there. [33] [34] I.G. Farben also made Zyklon B gas, enough to annihilate two million people according to the trial testimony of the Auschwitz camp commander Rudolf Hoess. [35] [36] [37]Fritz Thyssen published a book titled “I Paid Hitler” in 1941. It described how Thyssen sponsored the Storm Troopers of Ernst Roehm as early as 1933, allowing them to build up to 4,500,000 strong to take over Germany. But in 1942, even after Pearl Harbor, Prescott Bush and his father-in-law George Herbert Walker, were administering Thyssen’s money until forced by the US government to halt (temporarily). The Bush family got rich stealing everything these people had. It stole their children, stole their homes, stole their belongings, stole their clothes, stole their hair, stole their freedom, stole their government, stole their work, stole their health, stole their lives. The Nazi Bush family got rich stealing the gold filings out of murdered victims teeth. SOURCE http://omasiali.wordpress.com/2011/04/25/a- dynasty-of-mass-murderers-bush-family-nazis/ The I.G. Farben Company Industrial Co-operation But co-operation and support was available to Nazi strategists not only from the Jewish leadership, but from the German judiciary and civil service, as well as from bureaucratic officials in many other countries. Collaboration with the Nazis was also prevalent within German private industry. Industrialists saw in the massive labour resources of the camps the economic benefits of an almost unlimited labour supply. It has been documented that there was close co-operation between German industry and the concentration camps throughout Europe. Two camps in particular, Auschwitz and the nearby Manowitz, in Poland, were constructed by I.G. Farben. 30German companies such as Farben, Krupp and Seimens used slave labour for German industrial projects. The co-operation between industry and the camps was so close that a group of industrialists would meet with Himmler on the second Wednesday of every month to discuss co-operative ventures with the SS. This group was known as the "Circle of Friends". Auschwitz itself was financed and owned by I.G. Farben, which also constructed another concentration camp with camp slave labour near Auschwitz, called Auschwitz III (also known as Manowitz).31 I.G. Farben management used Auschwitz consistently for slave labour from 1941 to 1945. By August 1944, Farben was employing 22,000 camp inmates; 10,600 of them were from Auschwitz. 32These labourers were selected not only by the SS but by company representatives who entered the camps on selection tours. Approximately 20 per cent of these labourers died every month and had to be replaced. Still, I.G. Farben's directors claimed at Nuremberg they had little to do with the concentration camp.33 Benjamin Ferencz covers this company's involvement with Auschwitz in great detail, and personally assisted Auschwitz survivors and Jewish organizations in Europe and elsewhere with trial evidence against German industry and I.G. Farben in particular. His testimony reveals that industrialists who were not members of the SS, nor party members or part of the military bureaucracy, the Gestapo, or the SD forces, were just as capable of assisting in the Final Solution. On a fact finding journey to Auschwitz after the war for evidence against I.G. Farben, Ferencz found evidence in a document provided by a communist in the Buna factory (located at Auschwitz) that almost 10,000 inmates from Auschwitz were working at Farben's Buna works.34Farben officials would later try to deny responsibility at Nuremberg for their wartime slave labour actions. But in the mid 1960s Farben paid a total of DM26,250,000 to Compensation Truehard, which distributed the money to 5,855 claimants around the world.35 Sadly, the real horror of this company's involvement is that justice was never attained against those responsible for the war crimes of I.G. Farben. Dr. Walter Durrfeld, an engineer and chief of construction at the Auschwitz plant between 1941-44, for example, denied knowing personally of any abuse of slave labour. His denials were contradicted by eye witness testimony at Nuremberg.36 Prisoners testified that they were beaten to death and many died from exhaustion while working for Farben. Durrfeld did not receive a death sentence at Nuremberg. Carl Krauch, the senior manager at Farben in 1943, was actually used by the Farben defense team as a witness, testifying against the payment of compensation to slave labour claimants in the 1950s. This, even though Krauch was convicted at Nuremberg of war crimes. (His sentence, however, was slight compared to his crimes. Although he co-operated with the SS and the Final Solution, he was convicted on July 29, 1948 at Nuremberg but sentenced to only six years in War Criminal Prison Number One at Landsberg, Bavaria.)37 At Nuremberg, I.G. Farben's defense lawyers claimed that the State, or specifically, Goering, had ordered the company to build the Buna plant at Auschwitz. But Farben's lawyers neglected to point out that Krauch had actually requested this order from Goering. The following letter reveals the real relationship Krauch had with Himmler, and with Auschwitz. " TOP SECRET 27 JULY 1943 To: Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police [Heinrich Himmler] Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrechtstrasse Dear Reichsfuehrer, I was particularly pleased to hear that during this discussion you hinted that you may possibly aid the expansion of another synthetic factory...in a similar way as was done at Auschwitz, by making available inmates of your camps, if necessary. I have also written to Minister Speer to this effect and would be grateful if you would continue sponsoring and aiding us in this matter... Heil Hitler! Yours faithfully, [signed] Dr.C.Krauch [Chairman of the Supervisory Board of I.G.Farben] "38 At least one judge at Nuremberg, however, felt that there was too much mercy against I.G. Farben in the judgements delivered. Judge Herbert, in a dissenting opinion, stated: "Farben's planners, led by defendant Krauch, geared Farben's potentialities to actual war needs. It is totally irrevelant that the defendants might have preferred German workers... The important fact is that Farben's Vorstand willingly co-operated in utilizing forced labour. I cannot agree that there was an absence of moral choice..." 39 The Krupp Slave Labour Program Krupp was one of the largest industrial combines in Germany and a recipient of slave labour from Auschwitz during the war. Nine of its board of directors were convicted at Nuremberg of war crimes. John J. McCloy, the United States Commissioner who took over from General Lucius Clay in 1949, reviewed their sentences. His subsequent judgement is disturbing. In a final decision concerning requests for clemency, McCloy stated: "I can find no personal guilt in defendant Krupp, based upon the charges in this case, sufficient to distinguish him above all others sentenced by the Nuremberg courts. As one of the compelling motives of this review is to introduce a certain uniformity in the sentences, I have determined to eliminate this feature from the defendant Krupp's sentence..." This decision by McCloy involved returning to Krupp his property and financial holdings, all of which had been confiscated by the terms of Krupp's original sentence. McCloy also commuted all nine sentences imposed on Krupp officials at Nuremberg and, in the case of Krupp himself, he was released from his original 12-year sentence (it was reduced to time already served). McCloy handed down this judgement on January 31, 1951. 40The most important of the nine Krupp directors, Alfred Felix Alwyn von Bohlen, took complete control of his father's business, the Krupp company, in the spring of 1942.41 A former concentration camp worker for Krupp testified as to the working conditions at the company during the war: "During the third week of September 1943 a Director of the Krupp installation at Fuenfteichen, Germany, arrived at the Birkenau Quarantine Lager of Auschwitz to select able-bodied inmates of the KZ (concentration camp) to work at his plant..."42 "The German civilian foreman of the Krupp company kept rushing us and we were all so terrified that if we stopped or slowed down we would be put in the crematorium that we worked to the last ounce of our strength..."43 One would think that even a remote relationship to any connection with Auschwitz would demand a severe and critical appraisal of the above facts. Obviously, the sentences that were given (and later commuted) to the company's directors bore no resemblance to justice. On the contrary, the evil of the Nazi bureaucracy merely continued in a different form. Even though Alfred Krupp, as late as October 1944, had made great efforts to transport 500 Hungarian women back to the Buchenwald KZ from his plant in Essen, and even though his actions in this regard were exposed at Nuremberg. (The women were lucky, instead of being gassed they were rescued a few weeks later by British forces).44 During the war, Krupp employed more than 70,000 foreign civilians and 23,000 prisoners in more than 80 different plants, including about 10,000 prisoners from the concentration camps. Yet after the war, he ended up paying only a maximum of $850.00 per person to Compensation Truehand (a reparations organization) for 3,090 claimants worldwide. More than 4,000 legitimate cases were rejected by Krupp because he personally refused to allow them.45 There is something obscene about this whole process, not only because a judgement was reversed against Alfred von Bohlen and his other directors, but because people who had suffered so brutally had to fight for years to get any kind of compensation -- and even then, many claims were rejected. If we attempt to explain how the Holocaust occurred how people could treat their fellow human beings with such cruelty, we should also look at these industrial corporations and the moral decisions made about them even after the war. We should also look at the decisions made by the allies at the Nuremberg court. We need to examine closely how such individuals, with blood on their hands, could be allowed to go free. How could McCloy explain that Krupp should have been released from a 12-year prison sentence? Especially when the Nuremberg court had documents such as this: SECRET 7 September 1943 To Lt. Col Dr von Wedel Army High Command... From your letter of 26 ultimo I gathered that you are of the opinion that the firm of Krupp did not do its best to start the production of fuses at Auschwitz as soon as possible. I can only say that a very close cooperation exists between this office and Auschwitz, and it is assured for the future. With kind regards and Heil Hitler, Yours faithfully, A.v.Bohlen [Alfred Krupp von Bohlen] 46 Krupp eventually settled the claim with its slave labourers only under the pressure of being sued. They also delayed payment until the 1960s. Although Alfred Krupp was listed in Time magazine in August 1957 as one of the wealthiest men in Europe, if not the world, his company paid out a total of only DM10,000,000 in compensation.47 Heinkel Industries At the start of 1959, Dr.Edmund Bartl brought a suit against the German aircraft manufacturer, Heinkel, which produced aircraft during the war using slave labourers from the concentration camp near the company factory in Oranienburg Sachsenhausen. Dr. Bartl, a German, was charged in 1941 while working as a lawyer in Sudeten, Germany, with opposition to the regime. He was jailed for two years and them imprisoned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp by the Gestapo. Bartl's case against Heinkel was upheld by the Appellate court, yet the German Supreme Court later overruled this judgement. The Supreme court also ruled that any future claims against German companies regarding the use of concentration camp labour were forbidden. This meant that Dr. Bartl was unable to proceed with his claim for compensation. Not only was he refused compensation, according to German law he also had to pay court costs, including the legal fees and expenses of his adversary.48 This is just one more example of the way a bureaucratic system makes it easier for individuals to avoid justice. Yet this was at a time when no pressure from the gestapo or the SS could be cited as an excuse. And, as Benjamin Ferencz points out in his book on this subject Himmler reported to Goering that there were 36,000 prisoners working in the aircraft industry in 1944. Yet none of Germany's aircraft companies (according to Ferencz), such as Heinkel or Messerchmidt, ever paid compensation money to their slave labour survivors. 49 In order to account for the actions of those individuals in Europe who assisted in implementing the Final Solution, we must review the events immediately after the Holocaust that contributed to the continued denial of justice to the survivors. It is difficult to comprehend how John J. McCloy, for example, managed to arrive at his judgement allowing the directors of the Krupp combine to walk away as free men. As historian H. Arendt relates, the history of the Final Solution is filled not so much with evil demons, as with normal, educated people who made decisions like McCloy's. Nor was the Final Solution merely a "German problem" -- a mistake many historians continue to make. Rather, the record indicates clearly a much more disturbing truth: That leaders and ordinary people from many countries helped implement the Final Solution, and in many if not almost all countries, the Jewish leaders themselves were involved. It was not only the German forces or the German people then who were corrupted by the Nazi doctrine of the Final Solution. It can be argued that a lack of moral judgement affected all the communities involved in the war, even the leaders of the Jewish people themselves. But is this an accurate portrayal of these events? What underlines the process that leads to the moral behaviour illustrated in the various examples given? Is it enough to describe these events as the result of pressure for survival against the Gestapo, the fear of transportation to a death camp or the fear of opposing the State? It can be argued that the relevance of this terrible period requires a more personal, psychological appraisal. A high degree of civilization and/or a higher education offers little protection against moral apathy. Yet this truth does not seem to have entered the consciousness of scholarly opinion. The literature is still full of discussions about responsibility and guilt, an approach that has many supporters like Elie Wiesel, the inventor of the term Holocaust, who addressed the German parliament asking them to adopt a resolution that would ask the Jewish people for forgiveness. (Parliament declined).50 Wiesel's views on the Holocaust like many scholarly works on the subject do not address the personal and universal problem that the Final Solution illustrates so starkly. As this paper attempts to show, many individuals, as well as German industry and non-Nazi officials, actively supported the Final Solution, which they considered morally justified. This should be the real lesson of the Holocaust. It is not a question of guilt, but of the potential in every human to act in such an amoral fashion. We all carry not only our own familiar character, but as the German's say a Doppelganger -- our darker potential. Carl Jung describes this other self: "We are always, thanks to our human nature, potential criminals. In reality, we merely lack a suitable opportunity to be drawn into the infernal melee. None of us stands outside humanity's black collective shadow. Whether the crime lies many generations back or happens today, it remains the symptom of a disposition always and everywhere present and one would therefore do well to possess some "imagination in evil," for only the fool can permanently neglect the conditions of his own nature." 51 Jung is not a historian, but the historical record mirrors his description of the other self which many people exhibited during the Holocaust. Within historical discussions of the Final Solution there is the tacit assumption that this type of behaviour could or should never have occurred, especially in the advanced (in the Western scholarly tradition) society that existed in pre-Nazi Germany, this is perhaps a naive assumption. Such an approach denies most of human history, and treats the Final Solution as an isolated aberration of some abnormal social pathology. This has led to misleading arguments about the beginning of the holocaust, as if this history has a beginning and an end. The Holocaust is really part of a long historical continuum. The Final Solution occurred not just in Nazi Germany, but all over Europe -- and with the support of thousands of individuals who often had no contact at all with the Nazi party. A doctorate in philosophy or law did not protect intellectuals or even many leaders from moral bankruptcy. And as we can see on television, the same is true in Bosnia today. We need to examine more realistically those factors which encourage individuals to change their moral beliefs, or that enable them to abandon morality altogether. Judging by the historical record this is a difficult task. Yet, as modern society becomes increasingly bureaucratic and decision makers are increasingly removed from the effects of their actions, it could be argued that the conditions that lead to moral uncertainty or decay will increase rather than lessen. Report: George W. Bush's Grandfather Plotted Fascist Coup To Overthrow America Paul Joseph Watson Prison Planet | July 24, 2007 A BBC Radio 4 investigation sheds new light on a major subject that has received little historical attention, the conspiracy on behalf of a group of influential powerbrokers, led by Prescott Bush, to overthrow FDR and implement a fascist dictatorship in the U.S. based around the ideology of Mussolini and Hitler. In 1933, Marine Corps Maj.-Gen. Smedley Butler was approached by a wealthy and secretive group of industrialists and bankers, including Prescott Bush the current President's grandfather, who asked him to command a 500,000 strong rogue army of veterans that would help stage a coup to topple then President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. According to the BBC , the plotters intended to impose a fascist takeover and "Adopt the policies of Hitler and Mussolini to beat the great depression." The conspirators were operating under the umbrella of a front group called the American Liberty League, which included many families that are still household names today, including Heinz, Colgate, Birds Eye and General Motors. Butler played along with the clique to determine who was involved but later blew the whistle and identified the ringleaders in testimony given to the House Committee on un- American Activities. However, the Committee refused to even question any of the individuals named by Butler and his testimony was omitted from the record, leading to charges that they were involved in covering the matter up, and the majority of the media blackballed the story. In 1936, William Dodd, the U.S. Ambassador to Germany, wrote a letter to President Roosevelt in which he stated, "A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist state to supplant our democratic government and is working closely with the fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our American ruling families are to the Nazi regime.... A prominent executive of one of the largest corporations, told me point blank that he would be ready to take definite action to bring fascism into America if President Roosevelt continued his progressive policies. Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They extended aid to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are helping to keep it there. Propagandists for fascist groups try to dismiss the fascist scare. We should be aware of the symptoms. When industrialists ignore laws designed for social and economic progress they will seek recourse to a fascist state when the institutions of our government compel them to comply with the provisions." The proven record of Prescott Bush's involvement in financing the Nazi war machine dovetails with the fact that he was part of a criminal cabal that actively sought to impose a fascist coup in America. Prescott did not succeed but many would argue that two generations down the line the mission has all but been accomplished. John Buchanan From Martial Law 9-11- Alex Jones VIDEO BELOW http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G4-TL5AGHFY Martial Law 911-Rise of the Police State VIDEO BELOW http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FIzT6r56CnY House Un-American Activities Committee WIKI BELOW https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_Un-American_Activities_Committee EndGame Blue Print to Global Enslavement VIDEO BELOW http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x-CrNlilZho&ob=av3e In his documentary film Martial Law , Alex Jones interviews John Buchanan, who was instrumental in uncovering the documents tying Prescott Bush to the financing of the Third Reich. Watch a clip above. The subject is also covered in Alex's upcoming film, End Game, which includes rare video of Smedley Butler's testimony. Click here to listen to the BBC Radio 4 investigation. INFOWARS.COM BECAUSE THERE'S A WAR ON FOR YOUR MIND