Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2009 Witches, heathens and shamans: Religious experience and gender identity among contemporary Pagans in the United States. Holly R. Raabe Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at:https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of theAnthropology Commons Recommended Citation Raabe, Holly R., "Witches, heathens and shamans: Religious experience and gender identity among contemporary Pagans in the United States." (2009).Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 10129. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/10129 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please [email protected]. Witches, heathens and shamans: Religious experience and gender identity among contemporary Pagans in the United States by Holly R. Raabe A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Anthropology Program of Study Committee: Chrisy Moutsatsos, Major Professor Maximilian Viatori Nikki Bado-Fralick Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2009 Copyright © Holly R. Raabe, 2009. All rights reserved. ii Table of Contents ABSTRACT iv CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW AND REVIEW OF CURRENT LITURATURE 1 1.a: Vignette 1 1.1: Overview 2 1.2: Defining Neopaganism and Eclectic Paganism 5 1.3: The Study of Religion in Anthropology 7 1.4: Community and Individuality 9 1.5: Language and Power 11 1.6: Feminist Spirituality 13 1.7: Religion in Context 16 CHAPTER 2: METHOD AND DESIGN 19 2.1: Project Design 19 2.2: Anthropological Study and Religious Scholarship 22 2.3: Cultural Relativism and Methodological Agnosticism 26 2.4: Theory and Interpretation 29 CHAPTER 3: RELIGION AS BODILY EXPERIENCE 32 3.1: Introduction 32 3.a: Vignette 33 3.2: Embodied Research, Embodied Religion 34 3.3: Experiencing the World Differently 40 3.b: Vignette 43 3.4: The Body in Nature 46 3.5: Descriptions and Infinite Digression 54 CHAPTER 4: LANGUAGE USE AND MEDIATION OF EXPERIENCE 56 4.1: Introduction 56 4.2: Linguistic Theory and the Negotiation of Experience 58 4.3: Language and Theology 62 4.4: Linguistic Appropriation 66 4.5: From Linguistic Adaptation to Misrepresentation 71 4.6: Speaking Across the Religious Divide 76 iii CHAPTER 5: GENDER IDENTITY AND RELIGIOUS EXPERTISE 79 5.1: Introduction 79 5.2: Normative Notions of Gender and Sexuality 80 5.3: The Complexity of the Gendered Experience 85 5.4: Re-Valuing the Feminine 91 5.5: Expertise as a Product of Difference and Marginalization 98 5.6: Complexity made Simple, The Individual and the Universal 104 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUDING REMARKS 110 APPENDIX A: BIOGRAPHIES 115 APPENDIX B: PAGAN SONGS 118 APPENDIX C: GLOSSARY, PAGAN-SPEAK 101 123 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 126 SOURCES CONSULTED 127 iv ABSTRACT: This research explores the relationships between religious experience and gender identity among contemporary Pagans in America. Personal experience, specifically spiritual experience, is fundamental in how Pagans described not only their spirituality but also their identities. In a social context where the mind is viewed as sacred and the body as profane, contemporary Pagans are challenging hegemonic beliefs. Through linguistic adaptation and linguistic appropriation, men and women in the Pagan community outline new identities for themselves. In the same way that Pagans understand their spirituality through bodily experience, gender and sexuality are also understood through personal experience. Because of the primacy of experience contemporary Pagans have created new frames for understanding, discussing and validating forms of gender and sexuality that are often framed as “alternative.” 1 CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW AND REVIEW OF CURRENT LITERATURE Vignette 1.a I sit at the registration booth for the Sacred Harvest Festival even though no one has shown up to register for the past half hour. I can hear music from the other end of the camp where the welcome ceremony and ritual are under way. All of the participants at the week long festival I’m attending are to sign up to help out for four hours during the week. I thought it would be good to get my work done right away and help with registration. It gave me a chance to meet a lot of people, but now I’m disappointed to be missing the first ceremony. Aaron, one of the staff for the Sacred Harvest festival, is shuffling through papers though there is little for either of us to do tonight. He suggests that I go and catch the end of the ritual. There is still about an hour left of my shift, but he says that he doubts anyone else will arrive this late. I walk Southward towards the singing voices as the last bit of light begins to fade in the sky. I see the group of singers walking from the ritual space northward, towards the fire pit located in the “Heart Chakra” – the primary meeting place. As they walk, continuing to sing, they gather other people who were busy setting up their tents or starting campfires and missed the first part of the ritual. Some members carry percussion instruments, African Djembes (drums), Indian hoop drums and tambourines. The groups begins to circle around the fire pit singing: “Fire, sacred fire…” I’m overwhelmed by the mass of dancers, faces slightly familiar yet primarily unknown. “burning through the night...” Their sarongs, kilts and dresses flow as they spin all the while, rotating around the fire. “Come to me in my dream time...” The sky is black now, and the stars are bright. “Bringing visions of light…” There is an overwhelming effervescence in the air, “circle round…” an invoking of something higher. “Spiral down…” The group acting and singing as one, “to these arms open wide…” and at the same time each individual calling out on their own “Healing light…” full of joy “burning bright” and yet tinged with pain “dry these tears that I’ve cried.” 2 The song continues on, and I find myself swept up in song. New friends grab my arms and pull me into the spiral. Soon, I too am an individual in the dance and yet a part of this larger being. “Circle round, spiral down,” now I’m singing. All the while I feel overwhelmed, yet comforted by the smiling faces, tired and yet invigorated. 1.1 Overview To understand how Pagans in the United States conceptualize their gender identity one must first examine how they worship, how they celebrate, and how they understand the relationship between bodily experience and spirituality. The Christian denominations of religion, which are predominate in the Midwestern region of the United States, are based heavily in Western philosophy which privileges the mind over the body. In fact, dominant social beliefs are inundated with an assumed separation between rational mind or spiritual soul and profane body. Inversely, modern Pagans in the Midwest value the experiences of the body as informative to beliefs and ideas. They view the body and mind in balance, informing one another as a single unit. They thus value experience, and particularly spiritual experience. This makes a type of religious plurality possible. This also explains why some religious scholars have, in the past, been unable to come up with meaningful explanations and descriptions of the contemporary Pagan movement (See Bloc 1998; Gallagher 1994). The modern Pagan movement is, after all, a Western movement. However, the discourse within religious scholarship on understanding non-Western religiosity may be more suitable for examining Western Paganism. These ideas of bodily religion, are also not fully supported by the common, Protestant, religious language, which most citizens in the Twin Cities if not in the Midwest in general are familiar with. Pagans are quite aware of the lack of words, frames 3 and language for their ideas, beliefs, experiences and practices. For this reason I also find it vital to examine the link between experience and discourse on experience. While considerable research has gone into the ethics of contemporary Pagans borrowing practices and rituals from other religious traditions, little has gone into the borrowing of terms from religious traditions. Along with borrowing Pagans have also invented unique ways to use the very language that has been used to alienate them though creative adaptation of words and meanings. Pagans have created new realms of both religious discourse and social discourse that have allowed them to express often inexpressible ideas but have also inadvertently alienated them from larger discourse in the United States on a range of topics. One of these topics is gender identity and sexuality. It is only through the frames of understanding religious experience and talking about them that individuals in the Pagan community have begun to frame their experiences of gender and sexuality. This is not to say that this is the only way possible but, not surprisingly, individuals who identify as queer, lesbian or transsexual, among other identifiers, have drawn parallels between their “alternative” religious choices and their “alternative” lifestyle choices. For this reason, the tools that individuals have developed to explain their religion are often used to explain their gender and sexuality. As my Pagan informants explained their own gender identities they focused, once again, on bodily experience. They expressed that their experiences of gender have informed their identity, but do not seem to match, linguistically, with normalized explanations of gendered experience. In this way their identities are not just marginalized, but their experiences themselves are marginalized. 4 In a religion and social group that not only tolerates differences but values them – those with unique experiences and backgrounds were seen to provide important insights for the group. People who are marginalized in the larger culture are often placed in prominent positions within the Pagan community. Spiritual expertise was often ascribed to members with “alternative” gender identities because of their experiences as marginalized in today’s social climate. The feelings of people in these roles range from self acknowledged importance to slight bewilderment as they consider the contradictory roles they hold inside and outside of the group. In general, the value placed on different experience, gendered and otherwise, creates a niche in society for people who see themselves as fundamentally different from those in the mainstream American society. Within their loose-knit Pagan community, they find words and frames to describe themselves in valuable and unique ways. This research should not only serve to provide an in depth look at the relationship between religious experience, language use and gender identity among a “non-traditional” religious group in the United States, but also begin to bridge the gap that often prevents cross-religious dialogue and understanding. Finally, I would like to acknowledge that all frames for society placed on cultural groups by anthropologists and other researchers are just that, frames. They are ultimately used to help onlookers understand society and do not reflect actual physical constructs (Stern 2006). For this reason, I problematize my own theoretical frames in places and examine the contradictions imbedded in things such as: valuing differences over sameness, creating new forms of language to explain oneself and then using them outside of their created context, and the attempt to create all inclusive acceptance of gender, 5 sexuality and yet maintain cohesion. First though, a more general discussion of where research on Paganism is today. 1.2 Defining Neopaganism: Paganism, it is important to note, is a genre term that encompasses a number of specific spiritual practices such as Wicca, Celtic Religion, Native American religions, Nature based spirituality, many magically based religions, European variations of Witchcraft (i.e. Striga: Italian Witchcraft), revivals of historic pantheon worship, and eclectic Paganism (Clifton and Harvey 2004). Since many of these forms of spirituality are based in historic religions it is important to note that most are considered revivals of old religions to some extent. Because of this, the term often used is Neopaganism or qualified as contemporary Paganism. Neopaganism is a term that was used in the past four or five decades and has largely gone out of style. For the sake of this project Paganism, Neopaganism and contemporary Paganism will be used synonymously. Pagan religions that predate the modern movement will be qualified as such. One of the most well known branches of the contemporary Pagan movement, Wicca, is traced back to Gerald Gardner in Britain. In 1954 Gardner published Witchcraft Today, in which he outlined what he claimed was a secret religious sect that had existed before Christianity became the religion of the Roman Empire and in turn, Western Europe. Gardner outlined a religious practice that he claimed was based on this ancient religion that had secretly survived, perpetuating itself clandestinely for centuries (Eller 2000; Jencson 1989). Within a few years Wiccan groups, often referring to themselves as covens, began to spring up in both Europe and the United States.