Contexto Internacional vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380300009 Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt Manu Samnotra Manu Samnotra* Abstract: Dipesh Chakrabarty’s Provincializing Europe uses Martin Heidegger’s Being-with to ground his defence of a decolonial historiography. In this essay I show that Heidegger’s broader aims within Being and Time nullify Chakrabarty’s hopes for recovering fragile political spaces. In contrast to Heidegger, I propose Hannah Arendt’s writings on Jewish politics as an alternative for students of decolonisation. Arendt’s focus on plurality and new beginnings complement Chakrab- arty’s critiques of historicism and political belonging in a way that more fully realises the broader ambitions of Provincializing Europe. Keywords: Martin Heidegger; Hannah Arendt; Jewish Politics; Historicality; Being-With. Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments. To the people of India, whose represen- tatives we are, we appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill-will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell. Jawaharlal Nehru Speech to the Constituent Assembly, 14–15 August 1947 This essay brings Dipesh Chakrabarty’s Provincializing Europe into dialogue with the po- litical thought of Hannah Arendt. This proposed dialogue would help students of Pro- vincializing Europe recover a neglected political feature of the post-colonial experience. This political feature concerns a form of provincialisation that is coeval with building new political institutions. This is because, and as Jawaharlal Nehru’s remark at the moment of Indian independence indicates, the post-colonial moment is as much a continual negotia- tion between the (traditional) past and the (modern) future as it is premised on a break, rather than continuity, in historical precedents. Chakrabarty’s version of provincialisation demands attentiveness from the historian to subjectivities forged in the encounter betwe- * University of South Florida, Tampa–FL, United States; [email protected]. Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 909 en modernity and tradition. This method helps the contemporary actor identify spaces of freedom from under the pall of historicist1 thinking. Arendt’s approach provides an indispensable addendum to this motivation. Arendt helps us see how new beginnings are fundamentally conjoined to the experience of political freedom. In Arendt’s thought, freedom is more than just the articulation of negative liberties; freedom is also a collective capacity to responsibly engage the weight of the historical past through the creation of new political institutions. The proposed dialogue between Chakrabarty and Arendt is connected by the very different positions they each take with respect to Martin Heidegger’s Being and Time. Chakrabarty’s hopes of discovering ‘plural ways of being in the world’ draw upon Heidegger’s existential analytic in Being and Time, especially the status of Dasein as a Being-with (Chakrabarty 2000: 101). While acknowledging Chakrabarty’s adoption of his thought, I argue that Heidegger himself is a thinker waiting to be ‘provincialized.’ Heidegger’s notion of being-in-the-world is nested within two broader aims.2 The first of these is to explicate how Dasein’s finitude opens the possibility for a more authentic en- gagement with the historical tradition. Second, and relatedly, the historical consciousness that resolutely takes up authentic existence does so only through an agonistic engagement with others who have come to face their own finitude. As Walter Brogan notes, ‘death… is the constitutive existential mark of Da-Sein [and] is the precondition for a philosophy of community that remains faithful to the utter singularity and finitude of each of the members of the human community’ (Brogan quoted in Raffoul and Pettigrew 2002: 237). I argue that Heidegger’s concern with an individual’s finitude is antithetical to the project of excavating a socially inflected post-colonial political consciousness. In contrast, Arendt directed her energies towards revitalising the political ‘now’ in ways that were critical of Heidegger’s approach. Arendt’s writings on Jewish politics and re- sistance during the Second World War and after parallel in important ways Chakrabarty’s own stance on the task of provincialising Europe. The parallel between the two voices in this proposed dialogue is enabled by Arendt’s role, as a journalist and political historian, to break the shackles historicism had imposed on the Jewish population in both Europe and abroad. Unlike Chakrabarty, Arendt saw the challenge of combating historicism not only in the historical excavations of political spaces long since occluded under European categories, but also in the creation of these spaces from the prism of an ethically charged political present. In her expectant opening towards the creation of new forms of political belonging (both domestically and internationally), she outlines a conception of politi- cal Being-with that is simultaneously dependent upon and a departure from Heidegger’s thought. In this sense, Arendt’s departure is an important addition to Chakrabarty’s analy- sis. The implication of reading Chakrabarty and Arendt together and against Heidegger is that the project of provincialising Europe is shown to depend on both tracing historical developments that broke free from European categories and generating attentiveness to the element of praxis that attends moments of liberation (be they from colonial rule or Nazi occupation). While Chakrabarty himself sees the leaders of post-independence In- 910 vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 Samnotra dia and the Non-Aligned movement as hopelessly caught in the trap of a technological/ developmentalist orientation, Arendt’s reading of the political would direct a researcher to critically engage the discourse and strategies employed by postcolonial leaders in the very moment of complete freedom. A consequence of this attentiveness would be that, where Chakrabarty, possibly following Heidegger himself, creates an implicit binary between the tradition–modernity translation on the one side and statist modernity on the other, the Arendtian reading would ask us to see in the moment of creating political institutions the very apogee of a form of translation trying to break free of historicist expectations. Beco- ming attentive to this moment of translation helps the reader to recover not only a form of subjectivity that is perhaps lost to history and cynicism, but also ways in which translation and politics might reside much closer to each other than Chakrabarty seems to suggest. Problematising Heidegger The ethical gesture underwriting Chakrabarty’s non-teleological analysis is undoubtedly Heidegger’s development of Being-with. In this section, I deepen Chakrabarty’s presenta- tion of Being-with by showing its connection to the issue of temporality. As a number of Heidegger’s commentators note, the linkage between these two aspects of Being and Time is a site for much contestation (Visker cited in Critchley and Dewes 1996). Principally, the connection questions the kind of politics Heidegger’s thought sanctions. While Hei- degger’s involvement with National Socialism generates a lot of heated opinions about the political message of Being and Time, I will bracket these very important questions. My aim in this essay is to see how Chakrabarty uses these concepts, and how Arendt might ad- dress his conclusions. In what follows, I dispense, therefore, and along with Chakrabarty himself, the question of whether Heidegger’s thought is irredeemably National Socialist (Chakrabarty 2012). My aim in this section is to show how embedded within the con- cept of Being-with a fundamental relationship to temporality, finitude, and authenticity is, which Chakrabarty fails to address in his appropriation of Heidegger’s thought. Being-with underwrites some of the fundamental features of Chakrabarty’s argument. Chakrabarty argues that the idea of modernity in the colonial and post-colonial context is not necessarily a reflection of European modernity. Colonial modernity is inflected through the existing structures and relationships that govern colonial and traditional life. Indeed, modernity emerges precisely in the encounter between the modern and the tradi- tional. This encounter is never solely pedagogic, wherein modernity ‘teaches’ traditional- ism its error (Chakrabarty 2005). There is a dialogue and contestation between modes of conduct, and this dialogue and contestation gives rise to particular subjectivities. An obvi- ous example here is Chakrabarty’s analysis of the capitalist, but decidedly non-bourgeois Indian family. The ties of kinship and the status of women within the male hierarchy pre- vent the development of a bourgeois self. In its stead, the individual subjectivity navigates, and is created through, the traffic between traditional kinship and capitalist relations. This element of Being-with through which colonial modernity is wrought in India would be Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 911 inaccessible through a purely historicist politics of progress that discounted the continued valence of kinship structures. If Being-with is such an important feature of Chakrabarty’s analysis, it would behove us to turn to this aspect of Heidegger’s thought. Developed primarily in Division I of Be- ing and Time, Heidegger’s Dasein (the investigator of Heidegger’s universe) is always a Being-with, that is, she exists in the world with others and inhabits this world with them through a tradition of meaning. Yet, the traditions that provide Dasein with the meanings upon-which she acts can also distract her from her ‘potentiality-for-being’.3 This is because it is easy to unthinkingly absorb the accepted ways of interpreting the world. Everything becomes, to use a phrase Chakrabarty regularly borrows from Heidegger, ‘ready-to-hand’. As Chakrabarty notes, ‘ready-to-hand’ indicates ‘the everyday, preanalytical, unobjectify- ing relationships we have to tools, relationships critical to the process of making a world out of this earth’ (Chakrabarty 2000: 68). For Heidegger himself, this relationship is fun- damental to the experience of the world. These ‘everyday, preanalytical, unobjectifying’ relations provide us with the grounds upon which we are able to act. Furthermore, these relations also equip us with ‘fore-ceptions’ about anticipated futures that seem to arise from the structures of understanding and meaning upon-which we act. Although Chakrabarty does not say this, for Heidegger himself, this preanalytical state is really a condition of ‘fallenness’. This does not mean that it is in any hierarchi- cal sense lesser than the experience of making something ‘present-at-hand’, i.e., engaging something at an analytical level. ‘Fallenness’ helps us experience both history and a sense of identity as we move through the world. We are at every moment already ‘fallen’. This also does not imply that fallenness is the only option available to Dasein. To turn once again to Visker, that ‘fallenness’ ‘is both embedded in Dasein’s structure of Being and that it can and should be overcome is precisely the problem Being and Time struggles with’ (Visker quoted in Critchley and Dewes 1996: 67; emphasis in original). The encounter with finitude through the silent voice of conscience enables resoluteness in the face of an essentially open future.4 That is to say, Dasein’s orientation towards the world around her is not always dependent on routinised ways of acting. Instead, and as Francoise Dastur notes, ‘the silence of the call [of conscience is] to be inscribed within the dimension of a selfhood that exists always according to the mode of a promise to oneself, that is, accord- ing to the mode of a constancy of oneself… which has nothing to do with the substantial- ity of an ego’ (Dastur quoted in Raffoul and Pettigrew 2002: 94). In resoluteness, Dasein does not escape the world, but stands in a more authentic relationship to it. As de Beiste- gui argues, this reorientation ‘is not an inward movement whereby Dasein would cut itself off from the world so as to enjoy the peace and depth of some precious inner life. Rather, it is a movement of disclosure, of clearing, where Dasein authentically ek-sists its own es- sence, and this means confronts its own facticity’ (de Beistegui 1998: 15). The recovery of authenticity is described in Division II of Being and Time such that authenticity assumes a temporal character. Where Being-with in Division I is concerned with describing Dasein’s embeddedness in relationships with the world, Division II shows the historical character of these relationships. In other words, the parallel development 912 vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 Samnotra of Being-with in Division I transforms into a discussion of historicality in Division II. For Heidegger, historicality is a more primordial experience of time than that which is available to us via scientific apparatuses (the time of physics, say), and historiographies. When Heidegger directs sustained attention to the concept of historicality (in Chapter 5, Division II of Being and Time), he frames his discussion within the broader question of the ‘meaning of the Being of Dasein’s totality’ (Heidegger 2010: 356). How is it, in other words, that a being framed by birth and death is able to maintain a sense of identity such that she understands herself as the same being in year one, two, three… until now? The answer to this question can only be answered by understanding how time functions. Any access to an understanding of time must occur through the ground upon-which human agents base their conduct. In other words, by understanding how time functions, we also gain insight into the nature of Being as it is available to a historically embedded agent. This is the essentially disclosive nature of human Dasein. Put differently, by turning her atten- tion (care/Sorge) to different aspects of her life, Dasein brings to light the meaning upon which she was acting. The fact that this disclosure is always historical does not mean that it is handed down to the actor as a pre-existing given. Precisely because it is historical, the meaning upon-which the actor acts is always changing, and the actor contributes to the maintenance and change of that tradition of meaning. History is alive because both the past and the future are being constantly maintained and interpreted anew. This is where Chakrabarty primarily draws his analysis of ‘fragmentariness’ and the ‘not-yet’. The historically embedded Dasein is always oriented towards an expectant future (the ‘not-yet’). This, indeed, is the very heart of Dasein’s disclosive capacity as someone who is a Being-in-the-world, and not someone who, in the manner of Cartesian philoso- phy, inhabits a space alongside other beings. This futural capacity, because it is histori- cally derived and interpreted anew, is always in flux and fragmentary. This is the core conceptualisation of History 2 that Chakrabarty sketches so beautifully. For instance, in the context of his discussion of capital in Marx’s thought, Chakrabarty designates History 2 as ‘a category charged with the function of constantly interrupting the totalizing thrusts’ of historicism (Chakrabarty 2000: 66). The fragmentary nature of individual expectations that are generated through Dasein’s embedded nature as a being who is always Being- with allows the contestation of historically totalising narratives of human development, be these Marxist, national-developmentalist, etc. While Chakrabarty’s analysis is undoubtedly correct, it is important to remain atten- tive to the Heideggerian terrain from which Chakrabarty draws his conclusions. Being- with, fallenness, fragmentary futures, and the futural expectations of Dasein are all inter- connected. Joining them together is Heidegger’s insistence that Dasein must ‘pull itself together from the dispersion and the disconnectedness of what has just “happened”’ (Hei- degger 2010: 371; emphasis in original). As Chakrabarty notes, ‘the history “of the many,” was always directed at submerging Dasein by imposing on it an ultimately fragmenting temporal structure from the outside’ (Trüper, Chakrabarty and Subrahmanyam 2015: 15). We have already seen how conscience plays a role in reorienting Dasein’s relationship to her present. Let us retrace the steps in this transformation. Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 913 The reorientation towards ‘what has just happened’, i.e., towards history itself, be- comes activated through existential anxiety. According to Hubert Dreyfus, Heidegger’s concept of anxiety is a secularised version of Kierkegaardian philosophy (Dreyfus 1991: 304). In Heidegger’s adoption of the term, anxiety arises at moments when, in attempting to decipher the appearance of something unexpected, Dasein finds established forms of interpretations inadequate. This notion of anxiety is crucial to Chakrabarty’s own analysis of the birth of modern subjectivity in Bengal. For instance, the contestation between the modes of prose and poetry that occurred in early twentieth-century Bengal attest to an agonism about the proper way to portray the anxieties stemming from life in a capitalist metropole. But where Chakrabarty locates this anxiety in its factual form as a response to the appearance of something new (the advent of urban modernity), for Heidegger, Dasein is not an entity that is the sum total of its experiences, as if these experiences could be tallied in advance or retrospect to give Dasein its totality. Instead anxiety individualises Dasein (she has to recognise her own potentiality) and is brought ‘back from its absorp- tion in the “world”’. Dasein discovers that she is ‘not-at-home’ (Heidegger 2010: 182; em- phasis in original). In Jacques Taminiaux’s interpretation, ‘the world in the authentic sense is announced when the stability and the safety of the environment have been shaken and reduced to nothingness, as when tools break down or are revealed inadequate to the task at hand’ (Taminiaux 1997: 13). The orientation of the world shifts from being ‘ready-to- hand’ to becoming ‘present-at-hand’. And it is this sense of being not-at-home vis-à-vis the world that creates an opening for Dasein’s authentic encounter with her own potentiality. Again, even in anxiety, Dasein never steps outside the historical tradition. As a fundamen- tally temporal being, Dasein cannot quit the world. Instead, the conscience that anxiety births transforms Dasein’s internal orientation to the world. Conscience has the power to pull Dasein away from her immersion into ‘fallenness’, and open up temporality. As Heidegger notes, ‘Only being free for death gives Dasein its absolute goal and pushes existence into its finitude. The finitude of existence thus seized upon tears one back out of endless multiplicity of closest possibilities offering themselves – those of comfort, shirking and taking things easy – and brings Dasein to the simplicity of its fate [Schicksals]’ (Heidegger 2010: 365; emphasis in original). Heidegger calls the ac- ceptance of a finite individualised future ‘fate’. However, Dasein is always also Being-with ‘… if fateful Dasein essentially exists as being-in-the-world in being with others, then its occurrence is an occurrence-with and is determined as destiny [Geschick]’ (Heidegger 2010: 366; emphasis in original). While the individual Dasein’s historicality is termed as fate, its potentiality to be a transformative force remains inaccessible without a corre- sponding sense of destiny (Geschick). The transformation of fate into destiny is fundamentally dialogic, but is also disclosed agonistically. ‘Communicating and struggling’, allow Dasein to revisit the original prin- ciples that underwrote her community, and in this ‘reciprocative rejoinder/repetition’ (Erwidert) she discovers that the original principles were themselves an-archic. As Peg Birmingham notes, ‘the event of destiny… disturbs a narrative politics by breaking narra- tives of legitimation based on tradition and a simple identification with the past… Dasein’s 914 vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 Samnotra critical response dissolves any authorization of repeatable historical possibilities based on a myth of beginnings’ (Birmingham 1991: 31). This means that the origin upon-which tra- dition legitimises itself is revealed to be the greatest point of freedom where what seemed like fatedness is reinterpreted as a new destiny. But this new opening towards the origin becomes available to Dasein only when she communicates and struggles with those Oth- ers who have accepted their fate as finite beings.5 I would be remiss in this description of Heidegger’s thought without mentioning ex- plicitly that this sense of embeddedness in time is what he ultimately means by historical- ity. And the sense of historicality that emerges from Destiny is not oriented towards the past or even the present, but arises from Dasein’s future (Heidegger 2010: 367). This idea seems very close to the heart of Chakrabarty’s analysis and prescription for provincialis- ing Europe. As he notes, in encountering the remnants of the past, ‘there is… no “desire for going back,” no “pathological” nostalgia that is also not futural as well. Being futural is something that is with us, at every moment, in every action that the human being under- takes’ (Chakrabarty 2000: 250). This unavoidable sense of the future itself has two com- ponents. The first is a sense wherein one imagines the future to see what ‘will be’ (as say, politically modern, Marxist, etc.). This sense of the future is what is bequeathed to us by what Chakrabarty calls History 1. The second is a sense of the future that already, through traditional practices, laces the present of the investigator.6 This is History 2. Chakrabarty tells us that this second sense of the future ‘does not necessarily look to the future that “will be,” which forms in the calculations and desires of the subject of political modernity’ (Chakrabarty 2000: 251). Instead, this sense of the past exists as a plurality of the senses of the future that interlace the present of an investigating actor. Much like the commu- nication and struggle of Heidegger’s Destiny, this pluralised and fragmentary form of the future shapes and reshapes the meaning of political modernity from inside the conscious- ness of the actors engaged in it. The contemporaries of destiny It is easy to see how Chakrabarty adopts futurity in its Heideggerian guise to excavate the development of post-colonial subjectivities. The Bengali women who contested their roles within the indigenous forms of ‘bourgeois’ life, the men who gathered in the adda for tea and conversation, even the political leaders who saw in their discovery of India traces of world spirit, all of these were always engaging vestiges of the past actualised in their own actions and those of their contemporaries. In other words, even in the act of breaking from the past, these actors were in some sense maintaining its continuity. The question that emerges from this analysis, however, and as I hope to show presently, relates directly to politics. What sort of politics does this Heideggerian reading sanction and, more im- portantly, does this politics adhere to Chakrabarty’s own aims of breaking free from teleo- logical models of political development? In its agonistic form, politics is contestation. In the series of tensions Chakrabarty highlights (between poesy and prose, between males and females, etc.), politics arises Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 915 precisely in the fragile space opened up by such contestations. These contestations are not simply sociological developments that occurred independently of the political realm. They did, and continue to, by way of political movements, bridge questions of what Chakrabarty calls ‘translation’ and ‘social justice’. That is to say, these contestations not only occur on the micropolitical level within the family, or via new subjectivities, but also relate to grand political moments. And it is precisely of this later sense of contestation that Heidegger remained wary. Heidegger himself classes such contests as departures from the existential mission of Dasein (individually) and a ‘people’ (collectively). For him, ‘the polis cannot be defined ‘politically.’ The polis, and precisely it, is therefore not a ‘political’ concept’ (Heidegger quoted in Kisiel in Raffoul and Pettigrew 2002: 154). In contrast to Heidegger, it is Arendt who advances the best vision of a politics oriented around Heideg- gerian categories, but one not subject to his rejection of politics as ‘fallenness’. The turn to Arendt is itself laced with problems for scholars interested in employing her for post-colonial perspectives. As a series of writers have pointed out, Arendt’s prob- lematic analysis of colonialism either explicitly or implicitly (depending on how one reads her) reproduces racist and colonial hierarchies (Dossa 1980; Norton 1995; Bernasconi 2007; Klausen 2010; Mantena 2010). Regardless of the strength of these claims, by focus- ing on her Jewish writings I not only hope to bracket her problematic thoughts on colo- nialism and the history of racism, but more importantly, I rely on a line of investigation that links the European Jewish experience with the experience of subalterity within the colonial context (Mufti 2009). Since this is not the place to offer an exhaustive overview of Arendt’s thought, I will limit myself to a couple of items. First, I will focus on her en- gagement, during the course of the Second World War, with the ongoing Holocaust and military resistance within this context. Second, from this set of writings I want to draw an important point of difference between her and Heidegger. Arendt’s conceptualisation of the political is broader than that offered by Heidegger, and therefore adds an important element – that of new beginnings – to Chakrabarty’s aim of provincialising Europe. Born into an assimilated Jewish family in Germany in 1906, Arendt saw the continu- ity of her upbringing and education shattered with the rise of Nazism and her subsequent escape from Germany. During the course of the Second World War, Arendt anxiously scoured news reports about the unfolding situation in Europe. As the stories of the bru- talities inflicted by the Nazis found their way to the United States, the scope of the hu- manitarian crisis became daily more apparent to her. It is with the cascading shock these brutalities produced that Arendt penned some of her most impassioned words. She writes in 1942: Those people who do not make history, but simply suffer it, tend to see themselves as victims of meaningless, overpowering, inhuman events, tend to lay their hands in their laps and wait for miracles that never happen (Arendt 2007: 241). Embedded within these powerful lines is Arendt’s scathing assessment of not only the decline of Jewish historiography, but the tragic acceptance of anti-Semitic and national- 916 vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 Samnotra ist historicism by Jews themselves. In a lengthy essay that prefigures many of the themes she later developed in the section on anti-Semitism in Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt argued that ‘in the hands of assimilationists Jewish history was turned into a history of the injustice inflicted on us, that lasted until the end of the eighteenth century, when… it merged into world history’ (Arendt 2007: 48; emphasis in original). The advent of the Nazis, seen through the prism of Zionists and those who, like centuries of Jewish thinkers, had come to see oppression as an inevitable state of affairs, would brook no resistance. The Holocaust becomes in this historicist lens nothing but the fruition of trends centuries in the making. It is no surprise then that Arendt, in an almost Heideggerian vein, argues in 1944, ‘if you do not accept something that assumes the form of ‘destiny,’ you not only change its ‘natural laws’ but also the laws of the enemy playing the role of fate’ (Arendt 2007: 223). To accept Jewish history as assimilationists, Zionists, and anti-Semites have narrated it is to foreclose the possibilities for action. For, if the advent of Nazism is seen as nothing but the consummation of ‘natural laws’, resistance is completely futile. There is nothing to be done but to lament the ‘meaningless, overpowering, inhuman events’, and wait for miracles to deliver the oppressed. In contrast, in a world where a certain fate seems un- avoidable, questioning what appears as destiny unlocks the historical narrative that seems to lead inevitably to one predetermined end. Such questioning helps the actor rediscover her agency – which, in Arendt’s thought itself, is always something we share with others – and with it the capacity for the miraculous. On one level, the thought Arendt presents here seems to share many properties with the Heideggerian discourse on fate and destiny I outlined in the previous section. This semblance, however, is only skin-deep. The most telling example of Arendt’s reconfigura- tion of fate into destiny occurs in a moment of militarised resistance against Nazi occupa- tion. Where for Heidegger repetition signals a break in the narrative structure of Dasein and a return to the an-archic origin, Arendt’s account of repetition means replaying the historical trends of anti-Semitism ‘just with pluses and minuses reversed’ (Arendt 2007: 222). This does not imply that anti-Semitism is folded back to its origins, or that the anti- Semitic insight is fundamentally correct (even if its historical delivery is faulty). Rather, Arendtian repetition is utterly new because it gives rise to actions unforeseen by historicist expectations. As such, the actions that unfold from this repetition do not recover the past and interpret it anew. Rather, they stand on the very ground of the unexpected. To deepen our understanding of the Arendtian shift in repetition, fate, and destiny, let us turn to an example of this reconfigured repetition/rejoinder. Arendt highlights the miraculous solidarity between anti-fascist partisans and Jewish resistance groups. Writing as a contemporary of these events, and with an eye towards provoking armed resistance against Nazi occupation, she argues that this solidarity followed a pattern that was the complete reversal of what had transpired at the start of the war. Where Vichy France had easily transferred its Jewish refugees to the occupying German forces, the changed situ- ation in 1944 is reflected in the decision of the French Maquis – the guerrilla resistance group – to break off vital prisoner transfer negotiations the moment it became clear that Provincialising Heidegger; Globalising Arendt vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 917 the Nazis wanted to exclude Jews from within the ambit of any agreement. ‘Even consid- erations of expediency,’ Arendt notes, ‘could not bring these Frenchmen to recognise a ‘special destiny’ for Jews’ (Arendt 2007: 224). The past in this case is no guide to action in the present. Indeed, the past only points the way towards expediency. Moreover, the ac- tions of the Maquis cannot in any sense be seen as a recovery of a latent capacity within the European tradition either. It is utterly new. In its Heideggerian guise, the pull of tradi- tion as the very ground upon which meaning is built – even in the moment of its narrative interruptions – remains largely unbroken. This is because, and as we saw in the previous section, Dasein searches for constancy between its birth and death. Within the context of which Arendt writes, reciprocative rejoinders that hark back to a past in order to interpret it anew are altogether impossible. Instead, the repetition of history with ‘pluses and mi- nuses reversed’ points to politics and freedom, both of which arise only when the ‘thread of tradition is broken’ (Arendt 1977: 212). Arendt’s engagement with the identity of the political actor constitutes an utter de- parture from the Heideggerian source. Where, for Heidegger, it is a community (however defined) of agonistic engagement with tradition, for Arendt, plurality is the sine qua non of politics. This means that the community of the polis is birthed in action. Nothing unites the Maquis and the refugees on whose behalf they fight except the promise of a new begin- ning together. This is the miracle of political action, and its products cannot be anticipated in advance. Indeed, even the expectation of its failure would foreclose its promise. There is no finitude in death against which the actor recoils into politics. Taken together these two points constitute a political departure from Heidegger’s thought. For Arendt, plurality and natality constantly add to the stream of actors who, each of them, take the burden of political action anew. The polis exists only when new actors, be they Maquis or Jewish refugees, take up the challenge of acting in the face of a complete breakdown of tradition. More importantly, through her invocation of plurality, Arendt locates the response to the end of tradition within a political sphere. As we saw, for Heidegger the polis is the tradition of historical co-existence, not its political institutions. Arendt reintroduces into this understanding of the polis its actively political dimensions. Arendt’s unyielding attachment to an unwritten future paradoxically institutionalised within a polis underlines her commitment to natality, i.e. new beginnings. In contrast, the whole cultural and historical matrix that Heidegger develops in Division II of Being and Time as a complement to his hermeneutics would dissolve if we did not take his in- sistence on finitude as our starting point. As already noted, this finitude allows the repeti- tion/reciprocative rejoinder to the tradition, and thereby unlocks its inherent, although historically untapped, potentiality. But what if this historical tradition has revealed itself to be bankrupt, as it did to a host of Jewish thinkers wrestling with the aftermath of the Holocaust? A similar question bedevilled Arendt, although her answer is not transhistorical in the sense that it consigned European thought to the dustbin of history. Rather, for her, plu- rality is a way out of the historical morass European thought found itself in, whose great- est thinkers could either only stand the received tradition on its head (Marx, Nietzsche, 918 vol. 38(3) Sep/Dec 2016 Samnotra