Corso di Laurea Magistrale (ordinamento ex D.M. 270/2004) in Relazioni Internazionali Comparate Tesi di Laurea Le relazioni italo-elleniche alla vigilia della Campagna di Grecia (1936-1940) Relatore Ch. Prof. Duccio Basosi Correlatore Ch. Prof. Antonio Trampus Laureando Filippo Cerantola Matricola 834312 Anno Accademico 2015 / 2016 2 3 Indice Elenco delle abbreviazioni 5 Abstract 7 1 Introduzione 13 2 Il progressivo consolidamento dei rapporti italo-tedeschi 23 2.1 Dall'ascesa al cancellierato di Hitler alla genesi dell'“Asse” 24 2.2 La guerra d'Etiopia e la guerra civile spagnola 28 3 L'instaurazione della dittatura in Grecia (1936) 33 3.1 L'avvento del Generale Metaxas 33 3.2 Gli avvenimenti dell'autunno 1936 35 4 Dal gentlemen's agreement al Patto di Monaco (1937-1938) 39 4.1 L'inesorabile avvicinamento dell'Italia alla Germania nazista 39 4.2 Il rapporto fra gli stati balcanici ed il rapporto italo-greco 43 5 Dall'invasione dell'Albania alla “non belligeranza” (1939) 53 5.1 L'invasione dell'Albania 53 5.2 L'inizio della seconda guerra mondiale e le note del novembre 62 1939 6 Il principio della fine (1940) 69 6.1 L'ingresso in guerra dell'Italia 69 6.2 Le provocazioni dell'agosto 1940 79 6.3 L'occupazione tedesca della Romania e la riunione del 15 otto- 87 bre 6.4 La consegna della nota 91 4 7 Conclusioni 95 7.1 Esito del conflitto 95 7.2 Ripercussioni della sconfitta 99 7.3 Le motivazioni del conflitto 101 Bibliografia 107 5 Elenco delle abbreviazioni: A.D.D.S. Actes et Documents du Saint Siège relatifs à la Seconde Guerre Mondiale D.D.I Documenti Diplomatici Italiani D.B.F.P. Documents on Britain Foreign Policy D.G.F.P. Documents on German Foreign Policy F.R.U.S. Foreign Relations of the United States S.d.N. Società delle Nazioni W.P.I.S. Weekly Political Intelligence Summaries 6 7 Abstract The political and diplomatic relations between Italy and Greece did not de- velop in a straightforward way between the two world wars. Situations charac- terized by conflicting relationships (for example the crisis of Corfu in 1923) were followed by periods of fruitful collaboration (resulting, for example, in the Italian-Greek Friendship Treaty of 1928). Due to its geopolitical position, Greece, rather than being seen as a state with decision-making autonomy, suffered the events caused by the activity of more powerful nations. Furthermore, the country was marred by an impres- sive series of internal upheavals: sixteen coups d'etat were attempted from De- cember 1921 to the 4th of August 1936. On that date, Ioannis Metaxas, thanks to the support of King George II and the Army, established a dictatorship whose characteristics were similar to those of the Fascist regime. Metaxas, when awarded the role of Prime Minister ad interim by the King, in fact, stat- ed that he was inspired by the example of Italy, and he hoped that the Fascist regime would look with benevolent sympathy to what he would propose to do in the interest of his country. Relations between the two states, however, did not improve, mainly because of the ill-concealed expansionist ambitions of Italy in the Balkan region (Alba- nia became in fact part of the Kingdom of Italy in 1939). After a period of relative quiet, following the announcement by Mussolini of the so-called “non-aggression” in September 1939, the situation -starting from the entrance of Italy in the Second World War- began to rapidly deteriorate. In August of 1940, Italy began to carry out a series of provocations, aimed at generating a casus belli against Greece. The resolute messages received from its German ally, unwilling to disturb the peace in the Balkans and focused on breaking the strenuous English resistance, delayed, at least temporarily, the start of operations. This, however, changed abruptly: as soon as Germany gained control of the Romanian oil wells in October, Mussolini immediately began to plan the invasion of Greece, invasion that began a few weeks later. The reasons for the outbreak of war found in the studied volumes appear to be of a purely personal nature. An operation of this importance would ap- 8 pear to have started due to a childish annoyance by Mussolini towards Hitler, who had imposed a German protectorate to General Antonescu's Romania. The subsequent military defeat meant the end of the so-called “parallel war” of Mussolini, and, at the same time, turned Italy into a mere satellite of Na- tional Socialist Germany. This paper therefore aims to analyze the unfolding of the Italian-Greek re- lations in the period 1936-1940, to highlight the reasons for the ambiguous at- titude of the Fascist regime towards a state that, regarding the Second World War, had repeatedly expressed its desire to maintain strict neutrality. The paper intends to develop in a rather linear way. The second chapter is related to the evolution of the relationship between Fascism and Nazism be- fore the rise to power of Metaxas. The discussion of this topic goes beyond the focus the text, but it is useful to understand the reasons for which Italy de- cided to provoke a conflict with Greece. It will then be examined, in three separate chapters, the period between 1936 and 1939, adding to the developments of the Italian-Greek also a series of brief glimpses of the international overview, paying particular attention to the increasingly close relationship between Germany and Italy and the pro- gressive detachment of the latter from Britain and France. 1936 is characterized by three important events: on June 9th, Galeazzo Ciano was appointed Foreign Minister, replacing Mussolini; on August 4th Metaxas established a dictatorial regime in Greece; in November the Rome- Berlin Axis (the first embryo of the future alliance enshrined in the Pact of Steel) was created. Foreign Minister Ciano was disastrous both for Italy and for the regime, but it should be remembered that Mussolini firmly handled the reins of foreign policy. Ciano followed his father-in-law directives blindly, al- though, indeed, he influenced some decisions. Metaxas was considered a great admirer and a disciple of Mussolini: this circumstance could, as stated earlier, encourage a better relation between the two countries, but for a number of reasons that will be analyzed later, a deep-rooted mutual distrust was never overcome. 1937 and 1938 were years full of events that lie outside the main theme of this project, because there were no particular developments of the Italian- Greek relations. It was therefore decided to split the chapter into two parts: the first is designed to give an international overview, given the turmoil caused 9 by the war in Spain and German expansionism in Central Europe, while the second is dedicated to the stationary (at least in that period) relations between Italy and Greece. As for 1939, three main topics will be analyzed: the signing of the Pact of Steel, the outbreak of World War II and the exchange of notes between the Italian government and the Greek government in November 1939. As a result of this episode, the hegemonic aims of Italy towards the Balkan states seemed to be past and gone: it seemed logical to assume that the Fascist regime would want to limit the maintenance of Albania, conquered a few months before. 1940 will eventually be examined, devoting ample space to the discussion of the phase between the entrance into the war and the invasion of Greece. The time period taken into account is limited but full of very significant events: the declaration of war on Britain and France on June 10th, the Villa In- cisa armistice with France on June 24th , the establishment of the German pro- tectorate in Romania on October 12th and the subsequent invasion of Greece by Italy on October 28th. It may be useful to give some methodology clarifications related to biblio- graphical research and the study of primary sources. Various diplomatic docu- ments of the nations involved in the conflict have had great importance in the development of this research. The collection of Italian Diplomatic Docu- ments (D.D.I.) is available on the Foreign Ministry website and is divided into time series: telegrams, dispatches from the Minister to the representatives abroad and the relations of the latter could be conveniently consulted in elec- tronic format. Were also analyzed the “Actes et Documents du Saint Siège re- latifs à la Seconde Guerre Mondiale” (A.D.S.S.); the “Documents on Britain Foreign Policy” (D.B.F.P.); documents related to the “Foreign Relations of the United States” (F.R.U.S.); and finally the “Documents on German Foreign Pol- icy” (D.G.F.P.), which contain, in English translation, archive documents of the German Foreign Ministry. The “Political Intelligence Weekly Summaries” turned out to be very interesting too. Many memoirs were also analyzed. It had to be considered the fact that the contents of those books could be aimed at justifying the actions of the writer rather than providing the reader an objective narration of what happened. Alessandra Coppola, for example, believes that “Il principio della fine” of the then Italian ambassador in Athens Emanuele Grazzi is nothing more than a 10 self-defense in the clarification of the responsibilities of the conflict. It should not be forgotten either the mutual distrust between the various authorities in- volved in the affair: famous, for example, the hatred between Ciano and Von Ribbentrop, or the deep aversion between Colonel Visconti Prasca and Gener- al Mario Roatta. Some diaries were also included in the bibliography. The choice to examine this kind of books is no accident: more than analyze what was written later, it was decided to deepen the study of contemporary documents, which, though deficient in terms of wide-ranging vision of the problems, can boast a vision that was not altered once the conflict was over. It is interesting to note, in this regard, that the “Diario” of Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano presents various corrections near the beginning of the Campaign of Greece, implicitly high- lighting the importance of this pernicious decision. The fact that many of the diaries in question were written by the highest members of the Army must not be misleading: the Campaign of Greece will not be analyzed from a military point of view. The analysis of newspaper articles, far from being conducted to find glimpses of truth in them, is instead aimed at understanding what were the news that the Fascist regime wanted to spread: freedom of press was not guar- anteed to citizens. Finally, regarding the reasons why it was decided to study this subject, they are to be found in the general lack of interest in the motivations that prompt- ed Italy to invade Greece. In most of the publications on the history of the Fascist regime and the history of international relations, only some succinct paragraphs are dedicated to the causes of the Italian-Greek conflict: it seems that they can be skipped without precluding the reader a chance to understand subsequent events. The reasons why this event is more or less deliberately overlooked are nu- merous. First and foremost, is has to be consider the fact that by treacherously attacking a neutral nation, Italy has written one of the most shameful pages of its history. The Campaign of Greece was also not characterized by acts of heroism that distinguished, for example, the Russian Campaign, which remains deeply rooted in the collective imagination: it should be reminded, for exam- ple, the success of books such as “Il sergente nella neve” or “Centomila gavette di ghiaccio”.