From Reaction to Prevention Turning the Page on School Discipline By Russell J. Skiba and Daniel J. Losen For some 20 years, numerous policymakers responded to concerns about school safety and disruption with a “get tough” W e stand today in the middle of an important debate philosophy relying upon zero-tolerance policies and frequent on the role, function, and practice of school disci- out-of-school suspensions and expulsions. But research has pline. There can be no question that any approach overwhelmingly shown that such approaches are ineffective and we implement should strive to create school cli- increase the risk for negative social and academic outcomes, mates that are safe, orderly, and civil, and that teach our children especially for children from historically disadvantaged groups. basic values of respect and cooperation. The key question revolves In response to these findings, educational leaders and profes- around the best way to accomplish that goal. sional associations have led a shift toward alternative models and practices in school discipline.1 District, state, and federal policy- Russell J. Skiba is a professor of counseling and educational psychology and makers have pressed for more constructive alternatives that directs the Equity Project at Indiana University. A member of the American foster a productive and healthy instructional climate without Psychological Association’s Task Force on Zero Tolerance and the lead depriving large numbers of students the opportunity to learn. author of its report, he has worked with schools across the country, directed The recent beginnings of strong models in states, districts, and numerous federal and state research grants, and written extensively about XTER school violence, school discipline, classroom management, and educa- schools throughout the nation can serve as a guide to more effec- NIEL BA tRieomnaeld eieqsu aitty t.h De aUnnieivl eJ.r sLiotys eonf Cisa tlhifeo drnirieac,t Loor so Af tnhgee Clees,n atenr ifnoirt iCaitvivile R aitg thhtes tisiv ael saon dre rseissteaanrcceh -tboa csheadn sgcihnogo tlh dei sstcaiptulisn qeu aop.p Broolasctehreesd. Ybeyt ath geerte- A Y D Civil Rights Project. A former public school teacher, lawyer, and researcher, tough political discourse, some schools and districts have not had ONS B he has analyzed the trends in school discipline of nearly every school and the chance to consider effective alternatives to zero tolerance. ILLUSTRATI dt(iTivseetarsic tchote iprnus tnChioet ilnvleaeg tdeio iPsncr.ie Thpslsi,in s2 ea0 ar1tn5ic)dl. eL dorsaenw’ss Cuploosnin thg et hlaet eSscth roesoela Drcihsc oipnl ainltee rGnaap- Eradtuesc amtoarys s iene e tnhveimrosnemlveenst ws cithha freawct aelrtiezrenda btiyv eexsc teos ssuivsep seunsspioenn sainond 4 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 expulsion. Therefore, a successful transition toward a positive In 1994, the federal government stepped in to mandate zero- school climate will require strong support and training for both tolerance policies nationally when President Bill Clinton signed teachers and administrators. the Gun-Free Schools Act into law, requiring a one-year calendar In this article, we trace the course of school discipline over the expulsion for possession of firearms on any school campus. Some past 20 years and examine the status of school discipline reform states had already passed similar requirements, and many others today. We begin with an examination of zero-tolerance, suspen- that adopted the federal law into their state codes of conduct sion, and expulsion policies, as well as their assumptions and further expanded them to cover much more than the mandated effects. We discuss alternatives that have been proposed and the expulsion for bringing a firearm to school. guidance that has been offered by the federal government, and Ultimately, these policies led to significant increases in disciplin- examine state changes that may be models for others. Finally, for ary removal and expansion in inequities in suspension and expul- any new model to be effective, support of teachers and adminis- sion rates. Since 1973, the percentage of students suspended from trators is essential; thus, we consider what educators really need school has at least doubled for all racial and ethnic groups.7 Nearly if we are to successfully reform school discipline. 3.5 million public school students were suspended at least once in 2011–2012,8 more than one student suspended for every public How Did We Get to “Get Tough”? school teacher in America.9 Given that the average suspension is In the 1970s, suspension rates for students of color, especially conservatively put at 3.5 days, and that many students are sus- those who were black, began to rise, prompting concerns from pended more than once, these figures mean that U.S. public school civil rights groups. In 1975, the Children’s Defense Fund published children lost nearly 18 million days of instruction in just one school a report, School Suspensions: Are They Helping Children?, about year because of exclusionary discipline.10 While an estimated 6 high and racially disparate rates of out-of-school suspensions. percent of all enrolled students are suspended at least once during Unjust suspensions were also the subject of several court chal- a given year, national longitudinal research indicates that between lenges in the 1970s and 1980s. one-third and one-half of students experience at least one suspen- Pressure to expand the use of suspension and expulsion sion at some point between kindergarten and 12th grade.11 increased further with the advent of zero-tolerance policies. Grow- Out-of-school suspension and expulsion, and their associated ing out of federal drug policy in the 1980s, zero tolerance was risks, fall far more heavily on historically disadvantaged groups, intended primarily as a method of using severe and invariant especially black students. Data reported on disciplinary removals consequences to send a message that certain behaviors would not for the 2011–2012 academic year show that black students face the be tolerated.2 Beginning in the late 1980s, fear of increased violence highest risk of out-of-school suspension, followed by Native Ameri- in schools led school districts throughout the country to promote can and then Latino students.12 White, Asian, and Hawaiian/Pacific zero-tolerance policies, calling for expulsion for guns and all weap- Islander students are typically suspended at the lowest rates. ons, drugs, and gang-related activity, and to mandate increased Although the percentage of students who receive at least one suspension and expulsion for less serious offenses such as school suspension in a school year has increased for all groups, that disruption, smoking, and dress code violations3 (although later increase has been most dramatic for historically disadvantaged research showed no significant rise in school violence in that groups, resulting in a widening of the discipline gap. As depicted period4). This movement also resulted in the increased use of secu- in Figure 1 below, 7.6 percent of all black elementary school stu- rity personnel and security technology,5 especially in urban schools.6 dents were suspended from school in 2011–2012, and that rate is Figure 1. Elementary and Secondary Suspension Rates by Group, 2011–2012  This graphic shows the 25% 23.2% percentage of U.S. public school students who 20% 18.1% received at least one out-of-school suspension 15% during the 2011–2012 11.9% school year, by grade level 10.1% 10.8% 11.0% 10% and group. As depicted, 7.6% 7.3% 6.7% Elementary 23.2 percent of black 5.4% 5% Secondary sweecoren sduasrpye snchdoedo la stt uledaesnt ts 2.6% 2.9% 2.1% 1.2% 1.6% 0.5%2.5% 1.5% once in 2011–2012, 0% DRHcpSROIEIoAGeGFUTHEHmrARRT cC.SSSOpCeE RTRH: naEODGOMr A.tOA eTTE LLoAHDSdL .IE fF EM R STww,OIE DWRMiDhMtW LThiE WHt“, SeEjJ.ESU u CCCsNEsHOtNItOONuT ORD6Ed LRAH.De 7RFIIGYOSn HC”RtI , PH CsALEI.IVNNRIDEEL All Black American IndianLa/Atilnaoska NativeHawaiian/PacifiWc hIsiltaender Asian Students with DEinsgablisilhit iLeasnguage Learners AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 5 6 percent higher than for white elementary school students (1.6 found that the quality of student, teacher, and parent relationships percent). As the frequency of suspension rises dramatically at the was a far stronger predictor of feelings of safety. secondary level, this 6 percentage-point difference in suspension What Are the Effects of rates (the black-white gap) expands almost threefold, becoming Suspension and Expulsion? a nearly 17 percentage-point black-white gap at the secondary level (middle school and high school). Across the nation, in just A large body of research findings has failed to find that the use one year—2011–2012—nearly one out of every four black students of suspension and expulsion contributes to either improved in middle and high school was suspended at least once. student behavior or improved school safety. Schools with higher These differences are not simply due to poverty or more severe rates of suspension have lower ratings of school safety from misbehavior on the part of students of color. Sophisticated statisti- students26 and have significantly poorer school climate,27 espe- cal models have consistently shown that race remains a significant cially for students of color.28 In terms of student behavior, rather predictor of school exclusion even when controlling for poverty.13 than reducing the likelihood of being suspended, a student’s Nor is there evidence that racial discipline gaps are due to differ- history of suspension appears to predict higher rates of future ences in severity of misbehavior; black students appear to be antisocial behavior and higher rates of future suspensions in the disciplined more frequently for more subjective or more minor long term.29 These and other findings led the American Psycho- offenses and disciplined more harshly than their white peers, even logical Association to conclude that zero tolerance was ineffec- when engaging in the same conduct.14 tive in either reducing individual misbehavior or improving Other groups are also at school safety.30 increased risk for suspension School exclusion also appears and expulsion. Discipline dis- to carry with it substantial risk for parities for Latino students both short- and long-term nega- appear to increase at the sec- Out-of-school suspension and tive outcomes. Use of suspension ondary level.15 Students with and expulsion is associated with expulsion fall more heavily on disabilities are suspended lower academic achievement at nearly twice as often as stu- both the school31 and the indi- historically disadvantaged groups, dents without disabilities,16 vidual32 level, and increased risk and are removed for longer especially black students. of negative behavior over time.33 periods of time, even after con- In the long term, suspension is trolling for poverty.17 Although significantly related to students males, in particular black dropping out of school or failing males, are more likely to be to graduate on time.34 suspended,18 black and Latina Finally, exclusionary discipline females are also at increased risk.19 Finally, recent research has appears to be associated with increased risk of contact with the found that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender students are at juvenile justice system. The Council of State Governments’ report increased risk for expulsion, for encountering a hostile school Breaking Schools’ Rules: A Statewide Study of How School Discipline climate, and for being stopped by the police and arrested.20 Relates to Students’ Success and Juvenile Justice Involvement found Another response in U.S. schools to perceptions of increased that suspension and expulsion for a discretionary school violation, threat has been the more prevalent use of school security mea- such as a dress code violation or disrupting class, nearly tripled a sures, such as video cameras, metal detectors, and increased student’s likelihood of involvement with the juvenile justice system security personnel. Yet over a 20-year period in which use of these within the subsequent year.35 Together, these data show that out- measures increased, there are very few empirical evaluations of of-school suspension and expulsion are, in and of themselves, risk their effectiveness. Regardless of perceptions of their effective- factors for negative long-term outcomes.36 ness, the data on school security measures that do exist do not Alternative Strategies provide support for using such measures to deter violence. Sur- veys and statistical analyses in the United States have found that The good news is that a number of universal, schoolwide interven- schools that rely heavily on school security policies continue to tions have been found effective in improving school discipline or be less safe than schools serving similar communities that imple- school climate and have the potential to reduce discipline disparities ment fewer components of zero tolerance.21 Moreover, qualitative based on race.37 Such strategies address three important components research suggests that invasive school security measures such as of school climate and school discipline: (1) relationship building, locker or strip searches can create an emotional backlash in stu- through approaches such as restorative practices; (2) social-emo- dents.22 More recent studies have found that greater security tional learning approaches that improve students’ ability to under- measures at a school are associated with black students’ increased stand social interactions and regulate their emotions; and (3) risk for suspension but no benefits to the overall school environ- structural interventions, such as Positive Behavioral Interventions ment.23 A study of Cleveland’s investments following a school and Supports (PBIS) or changing disciplinary codes of conduct. shooting found that money spent on security “hardware” did not Relationship Building. Interventions that focus on strengthen- result in higher safety ratings.24 While a belief that security hard- ing teacher-student relationships can reduce the use of exclusionary ware will instill a sense of safety informs these decisions, survey discipline, particularly for black students. For example, MyTeach- data, including a controlled study of all of Chicago’s schools,25 has ingPartner, a sustained and rigorous professional development 6 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 program focusing on teachers’ interactions with students, reduced may be necessary if PBIS is to reduce disciplinary disparities. A teachers’ reliance on exclusionary discipline with all of their stu- four-year project implementing PBIS in 35 middle schools showed dents, and that effect was the most pronounced for black students. that schools using proactive support instead of reactive punish- Interestingly, although the training did not focus on racial disparities ment saw reductions in disciplinary exclusion rates for Latino and per se, there was a substantial reduction in discipline disparities in American Indian/Alaska Native students, but not for black stu- the classrooms of teachers who received the training.38 dents,44 suggesting that modifications of PBIS may be necessary Restorative practices, implemented throughout the school to to reduce racial disparities in discipline. proactively build relationships and a sense of community and to Another study, through a survey of 860 schools that were repair harm after conflict, are beginning to be widely used in implementing or preparing to implement PBIS, identified the schools across the country. A review of teacher and student most commonly cited “enablers” and “barriers” to using this reports of restorative practices implemented in two high schools model. Among the most common enablers were “staff buy-in, found that individual teachers with better implementation of school administrator support, and consistency” of a common restorative practices had better relationships with their students, approach among school personnel, while the most common bar- were perceived as more respect- riers were lack of “staff buy-in, ful by their students from differ- resources: time, and resources: ent racial and ethnic groups, money.”45 and issued fewer exclusionary Other research has shown discipline referrals to black and that a systematic response to Latino students.39 threats of violence can reduce After implementation of suspensions and racial dispari- restorative practices in the Den- ties. Schools across the state of ver Public Schools, suspension Virginia using the Virginia Stu- rates were reduced by nearly 47 dent Threat Assessment Guide- percent across the district, and lines, a tiered process of review all racial groups saw reductions, designed to help schools iden- with the largest drops in sus- tify and respond appropriately pension rates for black and to the full spectrum of behavior Latino students. During the perceived as threatening, were same period, achievement 25 percent less likely to sus- scores in Denver improved for pend students, and black-white each racial group each year.40 racial disparities in suspen- Social-Emotional Learning. sion were significantly lower Social and emotional learning than in schools not using the programs vary greatly but generally build students’ skills to (a) guidelines.46 recognize and manage their emotions, (b) appreciate the perspec- Finally, changes in policy at the district level are a key first step tives of others, (c) establish positive goals, (d) make responsible in developing more positive and effective school climate. An exten- decisions, and (e) handle interpersonal situations effectively.41 sive examination of school codes of conduct found that many of the Several studies have linked the completion of social and emotional codes reviewed were rated as punitive/reactive, even for minor learning programs to an increase in prosocial behaviors and a behavioral infractions such as repeated tardiness, foul language, decrease in misbehaviors.42 dress code violations, or horseplay in the hallway.47 Thus, rewriting For instance, the Cleveland Metropolitan School District district codes of conduct has been a major focus of school discipline engaged in comprehensive reform efforts that included the reform. A number of major urban school districts, including the Los implementation of data-driven improvement efforts, districtwide Angeles Unified School District48 and Broward County (Florida) implementation of research-based social and emotional learning Public Schools,49 have revised their codes of conduct to eliminate programs, and the creation of student support teams that out-of-school suspensions for minor offenses and to focus on pre- addressed early warning signals such as discipline referrals and ventative alternatives to suspension and expulsion. To ensure suc- attendance issues. Results included improved student atten- cess, such revisions should go hand in hand with providing school dance districtwide, a 50 percent decline in negative behavioral staff with effective training on these preventative alternatives and incidents, and a districtwide reduction in use of out-of-school the support needed to implement them. suspension.43 A Comprehensive Model for Reducing Structural Interventions. Changing the structure of the dis- Exclusion and Disproportionality ciplinary system can reduce the use of suspension and expulsion, and may reduce disparities in exclusionary discipline. Positive Among the recent national initiatives addressing disproportion- Behavioral Interventions and Supports* can reduce exclusionary ality in school discipline has been the Discipline Disparities discipline, but specific attention to issues of race and diversity Research-to-Practice Collaborative, a group of 26 nationally recognized researchers, educators (including the AFT), advo- *PBIS is a framework for assisting school personnel in adopting evidence-based cates, and policy analysts who came together to address the behavioral interventions to support positive academic and social behavior outcomes problem of disciplinary disparities. After three years of meetings for all students. To read more about PBIS, see www.pbis.org. AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 7 Changes in Disciplinary Policy with stakeholders and reviews of the relevant literature, the col- laborative released a series of four briefing papers on the status In response to the accumulating research and growing public of discipline disparities, with a particular focus on increasing awareness of high suspension rates, leading educational profes- the availability of practical and evidence-based interventions.50 sional associations and policymakers have begun to embrace The collaborative also sponsored a major national conference, national, state, and local initiatives intended to reduce rates of “Closing the School Discipline Gap,” that resulted in an edited suspension and expulsion and increase the use of alternatives. volume of papers.51 Professional associations such as the American Psychological In the second paper in the series, “How Educators Can Eradi- Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics have cate Disparities in Discipline: A Briefing Paper on School-Based issued reports on the ineffectiveness of and risks associated with Interventions,” Anne Gregory, James Bell, and Mica Pollock pres- disciplinary exclusion, and have recommended the use of such ent what may be the most comprehensive model to date for measures only as a last resort.57 Statements issued by the Ameri- addressing disparities in school discipline by focusing on conflict can Federation of Teachers, the National Education Association, prevention and conflict intervention.52 the National School Boards Association, and the American Conflict in the classroom leading to office referral and possible Association of School Administrators have similarly endorsed a school exclusion is not inevitable. Rather, a number of strategies policy shift away from frequent reliance on disciplinary exclu- can defuse potential conflict and sion and toward more constructive keep students in class: interventions. Research in Texas links frequent • Building supportive relation- and disparate school discipline to a ships. Forging authentic rela- A number of interventions three- to fivefold increase in stu- tionships with all students have been found effective in dents’ risk of dropping out of school communicates high expecta- and coming in contact with the juve- tions and sends a message that improving school discipline or nile justice system. Inspired in part all students will be fairly and by this research, the U.S. depart- consistently supported in reach- school climate and have the ments of Education and Justice ing those goals. potential to reduce discipline undertook a national initiative, the • Ensuring academic rigor. Offering Supportive School Discipline Initia- engaging and relevant instruc- disparities based on race. tive, to reduce the use of suspension tion, while setting high expecta- and expulsion, and the correspond- tions, has shown remarkable ing flow of students into the juvenile results in dramatically raising the justice system.59 achievement and graduation rate This initiative included the in schools some might regard as too challenging.53 departments’ joint release of a two-part federal guidance docu- • Engaging in culturally relevant and responsive teaching. By inte- ment intended to reduce the use of suspension and expulsion, grating students’ racial/ethnic, gender, and sexual identities into and the disparities associated with those, and offer guidance on curricula, resources, and school events, effective schools find moving toward more-effective alternatives. (For more about this that students feel safer, report lower rates of victimization and federal guidance, see page 12.) One critically important document discrimination, and have higher achievement. was the legal guidance, issued as a “Dear Colleague” letter to • Creating bias-free classrooms and respectful school environ- schools and districts, alerting recipients of the need to review ments. Research on implicit bias has shown that racial stereo- discipline policies, practices, and data for evidence of unjustifi- types can influence an individual’s judgments, unbeknownst able racial disparities, in order to ensure compliance with federal to that individual. For teachers, this means that implicit bias anti-discrimination law. can influence their judgments about a student’s behavior.54 The legal guidance highlights the importance of the “disparate (For more on implicit bias, see the article on page 29.) Gregory impact” analysis. To illustrate disparate impact, it uses a policy of and her colleagues suggest that the potential effects of implicit suspending students for truancy as an example because of obvious bias—which all individuals, regardless of profession, may questions about the underlying justification. If suspending truant hold—can be mitigated by self-reflection, avoiding snap judg- students was found to burden one racial group more than others, ments, and examining data on discipline disparities and the unless the district could show that the suspensions were educa- key decision points that might contribute to them.55 tionally necessary, it would likely be found to violate federal anti- Gregory and her colleagues point out that some conflict and discrimination law, even if there was no intent to discriminate. As disruption are inevitable in schools. However, they note that the letter makes clear, even if the school district had some justifica- schools can reduce the effects of conflict by targeting “hot spots” tion for suspending truant students, the policy might still be found of disciplinary conflict or differential treatment in order to identify to be unlawful if less-discriminatory alternatives were available solutions, examining what caused the behavior or conflict and that were equally or more effective at deterring truant behavior. addressing the identified needs, reaching out to include the per- With this guidance has also come stepped-up federal review spectives and voices of students and families in resolving conflicts, of district discipline practices for possible violations. In several and implementing procedures to reintegrate students into the large districts, including Dade County, Florida; Los Angeles and learning community after a conflict has occurred.56 Oakland, California; and Oklahoma City, reviews for compliance 8 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 Box 1. States with Legislative Changes around School Discipline • California: In 2014, the California from exclusionary disci- legislature passed a bill limiting the pline. In 2014, the state authority of superintendents and approved and released a principals to suspend K–3 students or progressive discipline to recommend expulsion for minor framework. The new state violations under the category of code of conduct guidelines disruption or willful defiance. State emphasize out-of-school legislation also limits suspension to suspensions as a last resort cases where other disciplinary actions and provide steps for have failed and encourages the use of districts to move away nonexclusionary alternatives in from zero-tolerance response to disruption and defiance. practices. In 2015, the board approved regula- • Colorado: Led by the citizen advocacy tions calling for the organization Padres & Jóvenes Unidos, elimination of racial Colorado passed legislation in 2012 disparities in out-of-school directing schools to minimize referrals suspensions. to law enforcement for minor infrac- tions and to align the severity of • Massachusetts: Statutory consequences with the seriousness of changes that went into the offense. In 2011, the legislature effect for the 2014–2015 passed HB 11-1032, promoting the school year require districts to provide handbook defining acceptable adoption of, and schoolwide training students with educational services behavior, a respectful learning climate, in, restorative practices in schools when they are suspended or expelled, and procedures for promoting positive throughout the state. and discourage the use of long-term behavior. • Georgia: Beginning in 2014, Georgia suspension unless alternatives such as established a statewide school climate mediation, conflict resolution, and There are already some indications that management program as part of its positive behavioral interventions and these changes in state policy are affecting school accountability system. The state supports have been tried and have state rates of suspension and exclusion. In board is authorized to develop model failed. Maryland, for example, the state passed a law in 2004 requiring any elementary codes of discipline and annually • Oregon: In 2014, the Oregon legisla- school that suspends more than 10 release ratings of schools’ disciplinary ture revised Oregon’s school discipline percent of its total enrollment to engage practices and use of research-based code, requiring school boards and in corrective action. Connecticut passed a practices promoting positive districts to develop and implement law in 2009, implemented in 2011, aimed interventions. policies and practices that focus on at eliminating out-of-school suspensions • Maryland: In 2012, the Maryland State reducing unnecessary suspensions and except as a measure of last resort. Both Board of Education released a study expulsions. The law requires districts to states are currently on the lower end of recommending a significant shift away develop codes of conduct or a student the overall state rankings on suspensions. with civil rights law have resulted in major changes. discipline, the AFT supports more effective disciplinary alterna- The Center for Civil Rights Remedies’ review of federal investiga- tives. At the same time, the union emphasizes that to implement tions between September 2009 and July 2012 indicates the level of these approaches, educators require proper training. This training federal involvement with school discipline.60 As that report notes, and professional development must be ongoing, provided to all there were 821 discipline-based complaints and agency-initiated school staff, and “aligned with school and district reform goals, compliance reviews during that time, of which 789 were resolved. … with a focus on evidenced-based positive school discipline, As of fall 2014, 55 of those resolutions resulted in an agreement to conflict resolution, cultural relevancy and responsiveness, behav- address discipline policies and/or practices, with 32 districts cur- ior management, social justice and equity.”61 Similarly, the rently under investigation. Geographically, discipline-based com- National Education Association has joined efforts to end school plaints or compliance reviews were found in all states except discipline disparities, and both organizations have supported Alaska, Montana, North Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming. replacing harsh discipline with restorative practices.62 Ultimately, federal enforcement of disparate impact can help Concurrent with changes at the federal level, states and school leverage the replacement of harsh and often counterproductive districts across the nation have formulated new policies shifting approaches with better policies and practices that help all chil- codes of conduct away from punitive and exclusionary practices, dren. As the research (and contents of resolution agreements) and toward comprehensive and restorative approaches. Often suggests, such changes entail districts providing teachers and driven by local advocates, at least 19 states have passed legislation administrators the support and training necessary to implement moving policy and practice away from zero-tolerance strategies more effective approaches. In its position statement on school toward an increased emphasis on promoting positive school AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 9 Box 2. Major School Districts’ Progress in School Discipline Reform • Baltimore: Beginning in 2008, the Padres & Jóvenes Unidos, implemented suspension rates for schools imple- Baltimore City Public Schools imple- restorative justice practices in selected menting the program have been cut in mented a new discipline code to pilot schools, and has since expanded half since 2011–2012, while high reduce exclusionary discipline and them to much of the district. Between schools implementing restorative encourage prevention and interven- 2006 and 2013, the overall suspension justice report a 56 percent decline in tion, especially for cases of minor rate dropped from 10.58 percent to dropout rates. offenses and truancy, and began an 5.63 percent, and the suspension gap • Vallejo: Beginning in 2011, California’s expansion of the implementation of between black and white students Vallejo City Unified School District has Positive Behavioral Interventions and decreased from a 12- to an 8-point gap. implemented restorative justice Supports into schools throughout the • Oakland: In 2005, the Oakland Unified practices, schoolwide PBIS, and the district. The district reports that, School District in California initiated a Positive Youth Justice Initiative compared with a decade ago, suspen- pilot program of restorative justice at program. The district reports a sions have dropped by about two- Cole Middle School and saw an 87 decrease in school suspensions from thirds, from more than 26,000 in 2004 percent decrease in suspensions in nearly 7,200 suspensions in 2010–2011 to 8,600 in 2013. three years. Restorative justice to 2,604 in 2014–2015. • Chicago: In 2012, the Chicago Public practices have Schools amended its student code of been expanded conduct to reduce the use and length throughout the of suspensions and encourage district and are restorative practices. In 2014, the now being used in district released its Suspension and 24 schools, with a Expulsion Reduction Plan to further goal of full efforts in improving approaches to implementation in discipline. all of the district’s K–12 schools by • Denver: Beginning in 2005, the Denver 2020. The district Public Schools, in partnership with reports that the climates.63 (For more on these state and local policies, see Boxes 1 and 2 on pages 9 and 10.) The Need to Support Educators Research has led educators and policymakers across the nation to an understanding that exclusionary approaches to discipline approaches to PBIS, social and emotional learning, implicit bias are neither an effective nor equitable method for ensuring safe training, and culturally responsive classroom management. and productive schools for all students. This has led to the devel- Some professional development on positive discipline strategies opment of alternative and more effective strategies in reducing can be integrated into ongoing school and district professional disruption, maintaining a positive school climate, and keeping development schedules. In other cases, however, implementation students in school. Federal, state, and district policies and guide- of new programming will require additional training and resources lines have begun to mirror this shift. (e.g., teacher release time) to ensure adequate training in new But change is rarely an easy, straightforward process. When it practices, and especially guidance on how those strategies can be comes to school discipline, effective implementation of new best fit within (not in addition to) existing instructional time. approaches typically depends upon substantial levels of support Teacher-to-teacher support programs, such as professional learn- for educators and schools. In particular, where remedies call for ing communities or mentoring, are also important. widespread systemic change, in order to successfully replace Administrative Support. Instructional leaders must stand by counterproductive practices with more effective disciplinary teachers throughout this process. The Blueprint for School-Wide alternatives, it is critically important that educators be fully sup- Positive Behavior Support Training and Professional Development ported with resources and training. from the National Technical Assistance Center on Positive Behav- Professional Development and Technical Assistance. As ioral Interventions and Supports includes strong support from a noted, numerous strategies for maintaining safe and productive district leadership team among the criteria for implementing school climates are emerging as more effective alternatives to PBIS with fidelity. With the backing, support, and commitment suspension and expulsion. In order for teachers to integrate these of administrators, school districts can avoid the myriad problems strategies into their instruction, schools and districts must ensure often associated with mandated changes. that sufficient time for professional development and technical Ongoing Collection of and Access to Disaggregated Disci- assistance are available to train and coach teachers in implement- pline Data. There are three reasons why data collection and ing such approaches as restorative practices, culturally responsive reporting are also essential. First, within most districts, disciplin- 10 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 ary approaches, the frequency of suspensions, and the ensuing Increased Presence of Mental Health and Instructional Sup- disparities can vary greatly. Thus, data can establish baselines port Personnel in Schools. Programs such as PBIS or restorative describing current areas of need, as well as schools that are doing practices can improve the climate of schools overall, leading to well. If schools do not routinely pay attention to their discipline reductions in rates of disruption, office discipline referral, and data, it will be difficult to respond and build upon what is working suspension. Yet, other support, in the form of the increased pres- in a timely manner, or to modify a policy that is not working as ence of mental health and instructional support personnel, is an well as expected. Second, data enable teachers and administrators invaluable addition to school climate improvement in any number to track their progress as they implement new alternatives, in of ways, including assistance in developing individualized behavior order to change or revise interventions that are not working and programs for challenging students, acting as a liaison with families, to celebrate those that are. Finally, the school community needs providing counseling services, and coordinating school-based and transparency about both minor violations and those involving community-based programming for students and families. safety or resulting in arrests or referrals to law enforcement. To meet that need, the school and community need data that are We Can Get There from Here publicly reported and disaggregated, including complete infor- Our nation’s students deserve safe, productive, and positive mation about which groups are disciplined more than others, and school climates that promote teaching and learning for all chil- for what types of offenses. dren. The idea that a zero-tolerance philosophy based on pun- Collaboration with Community Agencies. No one agency can ishment and exclusion could create effective learning climates or should be expected to handle has proven to be illusory. As the the needs of struggling students evidence of what does work has alone. Schools and school dis- grown, strategies emphasizing tricts can form collaborative part- Revised codes of conduct relationship building, social- nerships with mental health, emotional learning, and struc- probation, juvenile justice, and should go hand in hand with tural change have emerged as social service agencies, as well as promising paths to a compre- providing school staff effective business and union leaders, to hensive approach for developing help support teachers for stu- training on preventative positive school climates. Signifi- dents whose problems are severe. cant shifts in federal, state, and Codes of Conduct That Sup- alternatives and the support district policy are moving our port Alternative Strategies. nation toward the adoption of needed to implement them. School districts across the nation, these more effective and evi- from Denver to Chicago to Balti- dence-based practices. more to Indianapolis, have Yet it is critical that educators restructured their codes of con- (including teachers, administra- duct, replacing simple lists of behaviors that lead to suspension tors, paraprofessionals, and other school staff) be fully supported and expulsion with comprehensive plans for creating positive through professional development, sufficient resources, and school climates. By shifting the focus from punishment to preven- opportunities to collaborate, both among school professionals tion, and providing guidance for alternate strategies, such codes and with outside agencies. Together, these developments repre- support and encourage teachers who are already seeking to sent a fundamental sea change toward more effective and equi- implement strategies for supporting positive student behavior in table school discipline, one that holds promise for reducing the the classroom. loss of educational opportunity and increasing the likelihood of Helping Parents Understand and Support Less Punitive safe and healthy learning environments for all students. ☐ Approaches. Parents and community members are often mixed in their support of zero-tolerance and exclusionary measures.64 Endnotes In the face of school disruption, some parents and community 1. See especially, American Federation of Teachers, “Reclaiming the Promise: A New Path Forward on School Discipline Practices,” accessed September 17, 2015, www.aft.org/position/ members may see few options other than school removal, and school-discipline. they may support or even demand suspension or expulsion. On 2. Russell J. Skiba and Reece L. Peterson, “The Dark Side of Zero Tolerance: Can Punishment Lead to Safe Schools?,” Phi Delta Kappan 80, no. 5 (1999): 372–376, 381–382. the other hand, the excessive use of punitive and exclusionary 3. Russell J. Skiba and Kimberly Knesting, “Zero Tolerance, Zero Evidence: An Analysis of School tactics often leads to pushback and resistance by community Disciplinary Practice,” in Zero Tolerance: Can Suspension and Expulsion Keep Schools Safe?, ed. Russell J. Skiba and Gil G. Noam, New Directions for Youth Development, no. 92 (San Francisco: groups advocating for reform.65 Jossey-Bass, 2001), 17–43. Parent involvement is always critical, but never more so than 4. See, for example, Irwin A. Hyman and Donna C. Perone, “The Other Side of School Violence: in times of change. Effective reform of school discipline demands Educator Policies and Practices That May Contribute to Student Misbehavior,” Journal of School Psychology 36 (1998): 7–27. open lines of communication with parents and the community 5. Ronnie Casella, At Zero Tolerance: Punishment, Prevention, and School Violence (New York: (including annual public reporting of data disaggregated by race, Peter Lang, 2001); and Aaron Kupchik, Homeroom Security: School Discipline in the Age of Fear (New York: New York University Press, 2010). gender, and disability status) in order to emphasize the school 6. John Devine, Maximum Security: The Culture of Violence in Inner-City Schools (Chicago: community’s commitment to safe and productive schools, and University of Chicago Press, 1996). where needed, to provide evidence-based information that can 7. Daniel J. Losen and Tia Elena Martinez, Out of School & Off Track: The Overuse of Suspensions in American Middle and High Schools (Los Angeles: Center for Civil Rights Remedies, 2013). reassure all stakeholders that new, more comprehensive systems are in fact more effective in meeting those goals. (Continued on page 44) AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016 11 From Reaction to Prevention The Influence of School Organizational Practices on Student Social and Emotional Learning for Kindergarten to and Teacher Reports of Safety in Chicago,” in Losen, Closing Eighth-Grade Students: Findings from Three Scientific Reviews (Continued from page 11) the School Discipline Gap, 118–131. (Chicago: CASEL, 2008). 26. Steinberg, Allensworth, and Johnson, “What Conditions 42. CASEL, Safe and Sound; and Joseph E. Zins, “Examining 8. For a summary, see U.S. Department of Education Office for Support Safety in Urban Schools?” Opportunities and Challenges for School-Based Prevention Civil Rights, “Data Snapshot: School Discipline,” Civil Rights 27. Frank Bickel and Robert Qualls, “The Impact of School and Promotion: Social and Emotional Learning as an Data Collection, issue brief no. 1 (Washington, DC: Climate on Suspension Rates in the Jefferson County Public Exemplar,” Journal of Primary Prevention 21 (2001): 441–446. Department of Education, 2014). The actual number of Schools,” Urban Review 12 (1980): 79–86; and Wallace et al., 43. Osher et al., “Avoid Quick Fixes.” out-of-school suspension of 3.45 million represents 99 percent “Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Differences.” of responding public schools. The Office for Civil Rights 44. Claudia G. Vincent, Jeffrey R. Sprague, CHiXapkaid reported that 1.9 million students were suspended just once 28. Erica Mattison and Mark S. Aber, “Closing the (Michael Pavel), et al., “Effectiveness of Schoolwide Positive and 1.55 million students were suspended more than once. A Achievement Gap: The Association of Racial Climate with Interventions and Supports in Reducing Racially Inequitable separate 130,000 students were expelled. Achievement and Behavioral Outcomes,” American Journal of Disciplinary Exclusion,” in Losen, Closing the School Discipline Community Psychology 40 (2007): 1–12. Gap, 207–221. 9. Daniel J. Losen, Cheri Hodson, Michael A. Keith II, et al., Are We Closing the School Discipline Gap? (Los Angeles: Center 29. Sheryl A. Hemphill, John W. Toumbourou, Todd I. 45. Sarah E. Pinkelman, Kent McIntosh, Caitlin K. Rasplica, et for Civil Rights Remedies, 2015). For comparison to the Herrenkohl, et al., “The Effect of School Suspensions and al., “Perceived Enablers and Barriers Related to Sustainability number of teachers, see “Number of Teachers in Elementary Arrests on Subsequent Adolescent Antisocial Behavior in of School-Wide Positive Behavioral Interventions and and Secondary Schools, and Instructional Staff in Postsecond- Australia and the United States,” Journal of Adolescent Health Supports,” Behavioral Disorders 40, no. 3 (2015): 171–183. ary Degree-Granting Institutions, by Control of Institution: 39 (2006): 736–744; and Linda M. Raffaele Mendez and 46. Dewey Cornell and Peter Lovegrove, “Student Threat Selected Years, Fall 1970 through Fall 2021,” in National Howard M. Knoff, “Who Gets Suspended from School and Assessment as a Method of Reducing Student Suspensions,” Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Education Statistics, Why: A Demographic Analysis of Schools and Disciplinary in Losen, Closing the School Discipline Gap, 180–191. 2012, table 4. Infractions in a Large School District,” Education and Treatment of Children 26, no. 1 (2003): 30–51. 47. Pamela Fenning, Therese Pigott, Elizabeth Engler, et al., “A 10. Losen et al., Are We Closing the School Discipline Gap? Mixed Methods Approach Examining Disproportionality in 30. American Psychological Association Zero Tolerance Task 11. Tracey L. Shollenberger, “Racial Disparities in School Force, “Are Zero Tolerance Policies Effective in the Schools? An School Discipline” (paper, Closing the School Discipline Gap Suspension and Subsequent Outcomes: Evidence from the Evidentiary Review and Recommendations,” American Conference, Washington, DC, January 2013). National Longitudinal Survey of Youth,” in Closing the School Psychologist 63 (2008): 852–862. 48. “Back to School Means Big Changes, Challenges at Discipline Gap: Equitable Remedies for Excessive Exclusion, ed. LAUSD,” Los Angeles Daily News, August 11, 2013. Daniel J. Losen (New York: Teachers College Press, 2015), 31–43. 31. James Earl Davis and Will J. Jordan, “The Effects of School Context, Structure, and Experiences on African American 49. Lizette Alvarez, “Seeing the Toll, Schools Revise Zero 12. Losen et al., Are We Closing the School Discipline Gap? Males in Middle and High School,” Journal of Negro Tolerance,” New York Times, December 3, 2013. 13. John M. Wallace Jr., Sara Goodkind, Cynthia M. Wallace, Education 63 (1994): 570–587; and M. Karega Rausch and 50. Prudence Carter, Russell Skiba, Mariella Arredondo, and and Jerald G. Bachman, “Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Russell J. Skiba, “The Academic Cost of Discipline: The Mica Pollock, You Can’t Fix What You Don’t Look At: Differences in School Discipline among U.S. High School Relationship between Suspension/Expulsion and School Acknowledging Race in Addressing Racial Discipline Students: 1991–2005,” Negro Educational Review 59 (2008): Achievement” (paper, annual meeting of the American Disparities, Discipline Disparities Briefing Paper Series 47–62; and Shi-Chang Wu, William Pink, Robert Crain, and Educational Research Association, Montreal, April 2005). (Bloomington, IN: Equity Project at Indiana University, 2014); Oliver Moles, “Student Suspension: A Critical Reappraisal,” 32. Emily Arcia, “Achievement and Enrollment Status of Anne Gregory, James Bell, and Mica Pollock, How Educators Urban Review 14 (1982): 245–303. Suspended Students: Outcomes in a Large, Multicultural School Can Eradicate Disparities in School Discipline: A Briefing Paper 14. Anne Gregory and Rhona S. 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Matthew P. Steinberg, Elaine Allensworth, and David W. Programs (Chicago: CASEL, 2003); and John Payton, Roger P. the School-to-Prison Pipeline in Colorado and Nationally Johnson, “What Conditions Support Safety in Urban Schools? Weissberg, and Joseph A. Durlak, et al., The Positive Impact of (Denver: Padres & Jóvenes Unidos, 2014). 44 AMERICAN EDUCATOR | WINTER 2015–2016