Dr. Ambedkar: The Hero of the ， Mahars Ex-Untouchables of India* Indira Y. Junghare University of Minnesota，Minneapolis, MN 55455 Dr. Ambedkar : Background and Personality The Mahars of Maharashtra are particularly important because it was with this group that the Untouchable Movement in India began in the early twentieth century. Under the leadership of Bhimrao Am­ bedkar, this movement won political and social rights for the Untouch­ ables. The term “ untouchable ” is used to designate castes which are considered polluting. For this reason, Untouchables are not allowed to enter temples of the high-caste Hindus. In Maharashtra the Mahars constitute about 70% of the total untouchable population and also re­ present about 9% of the state’s population (Zelliot 1969，18). Tradi­ tionally, the Mahars had no special skill or craft. Some worked as general village servants’ performing the duties of watchman, street sweepers, wall-menders, caretakers of the cremation ground, and re­ movers of dead cattle from the village. With the coming of the British and industrialization, many Mahars left the village and found work in the towns and cities, factories, shipping docks, railways and the army. The majority, however, have remained in the villages. Not only do the Mahars remain less urbanized than Maharashtrians as a whole but also remain less urbanized than other “ untouchables，’，such as the Mangs (basket and rope makers and also village musicians) and the Chamhars，the leather workers (Zelliot 1969, 39). Those Mahars re­ maining in villages have been forced to abandon many of their tradi­ tional occupations due to economic and technological changes. Some Mahars in response to changing times work in towns and cities and keep their families in the villages. Asian Folklore Studies’ Vol.47，1988: 93-121 94 INDIRA Y. JUNGHARE The Untouchable Movement led by Dr. Ambedkar first began with the urban Mahars and came to affect the position of Untouchables all over India. Through the Government of India Act of 1935, as well as special educational programs and reserved government posts’ the Un­ touchables won full scale representation at all levels of government. As a further result of the movement, certain social reforms were enacted. One of these reforms was a ban on excluding Untouchables from wells used by high-caste Hindus—though, as Eleanor Zelliot (1969, 112) notes this reform has been largely unrealized. In 1956，Ambedkar converted to Buddhism,1 a move followed by a majority of the Mahar community (Zelliot 1969，112). Ihis conversion movement seems to have been confined most to Maharashtra.2 Although the Mahar movement was primarily an urban movement, it created a strong political conscious­ ness among village Mahars. The anthropologists Karve and Damle in their 1963 study of three Maharashtrian villages point out that the un­ touchable castes appear to be more politically conscious and better in­ formed about world affairs than the rest of the people in the villages. Out of this movement a new literature has emerged. This litera­ ture falls into three categories: 1 ) political essays and tracts; 2) a sophisticated literature in the form of novels, poetry, and short stories, characterized by the term “ Dalit literature”； and 3) popular songs which will be presented in this paper. The purpose of this paper is three-fold. Primarily, several songs of the Untouchables from Maharashtra, collected in the Vidarbha region, have been translated from Marathi and Hindi and then analyzed in a way which reveals the various images of Dr. Ambedkar. Secondly, the paper discusses two phenomena or processes that make Dr. Ambedkar a special hero. One process is exaltation,3 which can be referred to as ‘ ascension ’ through which a person is uplifted to the status of a deity, and the other process is avatdra^ or descending of a aeity to the earth in the form of a human. These two processes provide a link between Dr. Ambedkar and the God.5 These processes have been a part of Hinduism since Vedic times and are very much alive in Modern Hin­ duism.6 finally, the paper explores the implications of the new litera­ ture of the Mahars and their making of the Ambedkar aeity for their new religion, Neo-Buddhism. Being born an Untouchable, Dr. Ambedkar faced caste discrimina­ tion of the worst kind. He was treated like a leper and was shown his way out of hairdressing salons，hotels, temples and offices. Despite this stigma he worked his way forward fignting academic discrimination at every step and achieved the highest degrees from world-famous uni­ versities.7 This was no ordinary achievement for an impoverished Un­ DR. AMBEDKAR: HERO OF THE MAHARS 95 touchable. Dr. Ambedkar also faced bitter political opposition, fa­ vored neither by a family fortune, nor by a political adoption. Yet he grew in name, fame and national prominance without being lifted by the support of a party press or caucuses. He served on important com­ mittees relating to the development of Franchise and Economics. The drafting of the Indian Constitution brought him recognition as its Chief Architect. He released a suppressed people from the stigma, shackles and slavery under which they had groaned for ages. Dr. Ambedkar stands out as an educationalist, economist, professor, scholar, lawyer, leader, fighter, law-giver, law-maker, and liberal (Keer 1954，519—520). Keer (1954，519) also comments that: “ No man in this country or perhaps in any other country, could equal Ambedkar in his career As a scholar, Dr. Ambedkar wrote books on economics and sociolo­ gy, history and politics. As a mass leader, he led social, political and labor movements. He founded political parties and colleges. To ex­ press it in Keer’s words (1954，520-521),“ He displayed the wisdom of a statesman, the qualities of a leader, the courage of a hero, the endurance of a martyr and the erudition of a savant . . . that in such a span of life the son of an Untouchable could crowd such varied interests, distinc­ tions, and scholarship is an unparalleled achievement in the modern world.” Dr. Ambedkar's life constituted a proof and ideal for the sup­ pressed caste in India. That is, if a person is determined to succeed, no caste or class barrier can stop him. Dr. Ambedkar tackled the caste barrier and sprung forth from the dust. He rose from a family whose forefathers for generations were treated worse than animals, whose touch was taken to be polluting and whose shadow unauspicious. Ambedkar achieved what was virtually impossible for ms people to achieve. He obtained what was beyond the dream of his community. Taking a vow of ridding untouchability and inhuman injustice, he re­ belled against Manu, Ancient India’s lawmaker, the supporter of the caste system, and dethroned him. Ambedkar insured by his efforts that untouchability was abolished in the constitution of Independent India. This was a victory unparalleled in the history of India. This ‘ modern Manu/ by being a savior of the oppressed, made an impression on time.1 he vow was fulfilled; the dream was realized. Moulding the lives of eighty million people, he left a print in the history of human freedom. Keer appropriately concludes the biography of Dr. Ambedkar (1954, 521) in the following words: “ The unique life of Ambedkar has become a new source of learning and a new source of inspiration for devotees. From it has emerged a new deity and the lamp that will 96 INDIRA Y. JUNGHARE be burning in its temple in this land of temples. A new academy of knowledge, a new inspiration for poetry, a new place of pilgrimage and a new opportunity for literature have sprung! ’， Keer was right. Indeed, a great deal of folk and popular songs have sprung up centering on Dr. Ambedkar. Although many of the popular songs and folksongs deal with socio­ political and religious themes, others describe Dr. Ambedkar and his works. It is natural that many of these songs deal with Ambedkar, for the mission of Ambedkar，s life was to try to lead the Depressed Classes to a higher social, political and economic status and to free them from the stigma of untouchability that lay upon their foreheads, according to him, from approximately a.d. 400.8 He aroused and awakened the masses against social injustice and instilled in them the spirit of self­ reform, self-reliance, self-respect, and self-confidence. He organized them for joint action on peaceful lines. In short, he brought about a great change in the life and outlook of the Untouchables. He was a champion of the downtrodden. It is no wonder that his people, his community, created songs about him in which he is not only treated as folk hero but elevated even to the rank of divinity, as an avatar, a rein­ carnation of Visnu. The Songs: Genre and Context The songs I have used in this study were collected in the village of Neri，fourteen miles west of Nagpur. In 1977, 900 people representing ten castes lived in this village. The village is dominated economically and politically by the Maratha caste which owns 60% of the land. The Mahars, the people under study here, are the second most important caste and make up 30% of the village population. Five Mahar residents are major land owners and also act as money lenders. Of the remaining Mahar residents, only a handful still carry out their traditional roles of cleaning and sweeping roads. A majority of the Mahars have been making their living as agricultural laborers. A few Mahars have taken jobs as menial servants, factory workers, or rickshaw drivers in the city oi Nagpur in order to support their families in the village. Some Mahars have migrated to the city of Nagpur and have found work in building construction or in the cotton mills. They still, however, main­ tain ties with their village. Thus, the direct and indirect connection between the village and the city provide a vehicle for the influence and change in the socio-political ideology of village Mahars. In general, the social condition of Mahars living in the village of Neri represent those of the Mahar population living elsewhere in Maharashtra. Although the school in Neri is open to all castes, the general literacy DR. AMBEDKAR: HERO OF THE MAHARS 97 rate among all non-Brahmin castes, and particularly among the Mahars, remains low.1 his is especially true for women. Although literacy and the influence of written traditions, particularly among educated Mahars, produce variations in the cultural content and style of the various oral traditions, the local dialect remains the primary medium for the oral tradition. Some songs have been printed in locally-produced bazaar pamphlets. These are published mainly for the benefit of urban peo­ ple and have very limited use in the villages. This paper deals only with those songs which are actually sung by the Mahars and avoids using any of the published collections. Even so, some of the songs included here can also be found in pamphlets. Songs of both men and women have been included in this collec­ tion. The mode of transmission of songs differs somewhat for men and women. Girls usually learn their songs in school while boys learn their songs from their friends. Since the songs of the ex-Mahars，now Neo-Buddhist, are fairly new, neither boys nor girls learn the songs from their mothers and fathers, which is a traditional mode of learning folksongs. The song repertoire of village Mahars traditionally consisted pri­ marily of songs sung by people of all castes. The songs still remain part of this repertoire, although mostly among women. In addition， Mahars have added their own particular songs to this repertoire. The songs collected in this paper represent three genres: the palna, the ovi, and the lokagit,9 Of the songs collected, the first one (see p.106 below) is character­ istically di palna and is sung exclusively as a lullaby. The palna songs are sung by women while putting the baby to sleep, and during the nam­ ing ceremony, which is held on the twelfth day after the baby’s birth. The second song belongs to the genre category of ovL The ovi is an oral folk song, composed by village women, orally transmitted and not written down. The ovis are used as ‘ worksongs/ sung by women while grinding grains, lentils and spices or while doing other domestic tasks of monotonous nature, such as plastering mud walls, making spaghetti by hand, or doing farm chores such as weeding. In general， the ovi is almost always sung while working and rarely sung in a recrea­ tional context. The remaining songs can be classified under the genre of lokagit, meaning ‘ people’s song ’ or ‘ folk song，，a literary term used for a popular song of a fixed composition. Mahars and Mangs in general use the more common term gdna (‘‘ song，，) to describe it. As a genre, the lokagit or gdna unlike the palna or ovi, is not fixed by context and does not accompany another activity. It has a definite musical and metrical 98 INDIRA Y. JUNGHARE structure, though it is looser and shows more variation than the ovi and palna. The traditional repertoire of village men consisted mainly of ldvnydt ‘‘ erotic songs，，’ povade ‘‘ ballads，” bhajan and kirtan、two types of Hindu devotional songs. Mahar men, like men of other castes, still sing the lavnya and povade^ but have consciously rejected the bhajan and kirtan upon conversion to Buddhism. In general, they have adopted the lokagits, composed by urban, educated Mahars to their repertoire. Although Mahar men have rejected the bhajan form, they retain on certain occasions the bhajan style of performance. At formal gatherings held for political purposes or to celebrate religious holidays such as the birthday {jayanti) of Ambedkar or Buddha, the men’s lokagits are sung by itinerant groups called bhajan mandali. The word bhajan here refers not to a devotional song but to any songs sung in the characteristic style of a bhajan. The leader of the group chooses a song, sings a line or stanza, and the rest of the group follows. The audience as a rule does not join in. The group performs on a raised platform and is accom­ panied by a harmonium, drums, and cymbals. Lokagits are also sung at impromptu, informal gatherings held at home in the evening, where everyone may sing together or take turn singing with or without musical accompaniment. Mahar women only sing lokagits at informal gatherings at home. In comparison with the ovi and palna,^ the lokagit is more elaborate structurally and musically and show more variation among songs. The lokagits are sung both by men and women, whereas ovi and palna, are exclusively sung by women only. D r. Ambedkar’s Image in the Songs After looking at the song genres and the context in which they are used, let us examine the content of the songs in order to see how Dr. Am­ bedkar has been depicted in them. The first song discusses Dr. Ambedkar’s life story. Characteristi­ cally, it depicts him as a champion of the downtrodden, in particular the Mahars, here called Dalits, ‘ downtrodden.’ It mentions how he was born in a poor family, in a Dalit hut, but bettered his status through higher education in India and abroad. The song discusses that Am- bedkar’s main goal was to remove untouchability and the caste system, and create equality. It also refers to ms revolt against injustice. Like a warrior-hero on the battlefield, he fought against injustice, roaring with anger and blowing the trumpet of revolt. The song describes Am­ bedkar^ role in organizing several agitations including the Chaudar Tank Satyagraha at Mahad, and the satyagraha at Nasik and the satya- graha at Pune.1 he Chaudar Tank agitation was for the vindication of the rights of the Untouchables to public waters. The satydgrahas of DR. AMBEDKAR: HERO OF THE MAHARS 99 Pune and Nasik were organized for the vindication of the rights of the Depressed Classes to temple entry. Also, the song refers to Ambedkar’s drafting of the Hindu Code Bill, which pertains to a joint family and women’s property rights. The song conveys that Dr. Ambedkar was a common man but rose to a high position, as Keer says, from “ dust to doyen.” The song depicts him as a pandit, a learned man, a lawyer, a Government Officer in high position (Labor Minister of the Executive Council of Govern­ ment), and a social reformer. The Mahar community’s respect and love for Dr. Ambedkar is explicit in the second song. The singer refers to mm as Babu, the term of respect used in referring to Government officials. It is also the term for addressing voung boys with affection. The singer proudly describes him as handsome, rich, and a man of power and prestige. Dr. Ambedkar is so handsome that his looks attracted even a Brahmin girl. Of course, tms statement is in reference to his second wite, who was Brahmin. It was surely a victory for the Mahar community that their leader married a woman of the Brahmin caste, the top caste in the caste hierarchy, and the traditional enemy of the Mahars. Dr. Am­ bedkar is a wealthy man who owns a new car and often travels to Bom­ bay. oince Bombay is the capital of Maharashtra, Ambedkar’s visits to that city imply that he is an important and powerful politician. The song portrays him as a peaceful leader with the ability of controlling large crowds. The singer’s praise of Ambedkar seems quite strong. Not only everyone respected and admired him but also the Congress, that is, the members of the parliament. Therefore, Ambedkar has been described as a ‘ blessed man ’ who has been favored by the God. Thus, Ambedkar has everything—power and personality, wealth and wisdom, fame and fortune. The third song clearly states that Ambedkar was a political figure of high caliber, with the sense of duties and responsibilities for his community. His leadership is unmatched and will remain unmatched. This credit is due Ambedkar because of his leadership in politics. In the political sphere, Ambedkar worked for radical social legislation and political recognition for the Depressed Classes. He founded the In­ dependent Labor Party (1936)，the Scheduled Caste Federation (1942), and the National Republican Party (1956). Through these he hoped to politicize the Mahars. The first two parties did not survive; the iNational Republican Party is still the only party dominated by the Un­ touchables of India. That there is presently a factional split or leader­ ship voia in the party is expressed by the third song, which we, for the sake of convenience, titled ‘ The Unique Ambedkar and the Call for 100 INDIRA Y. JUNGHARE Leadership.， This song must have been learned from a pamphlet. The songs of a propagandistic nature are learned from pamphlets and not primarily from oral transmission. This song reflects one of the basic function of folk literature, which is to control, influence, or direct ac­ tivities of the members of a group or society. The song expresses that Dr. Ambedkar was an able leader who organized the Mahars and infused in them the spirit of unity and brotherhood. He was moral, ethical, loyal and sacrificial. At present there is no one equal to him in qualities and leadership, and perhaps, there will be no one in the near future. The community expresses disappointment in present leaders, the hopelessness of the political situa­ tion, and anxiety about the community’s survival in the absence of lead­ ership like that of Ambedkar. The essence of the song is that Dr. Ambedkar was a competent statesman, an outstanding leader, who will remain unequalled in the history of mankind. Dr. Ambedkar was the only hero of his kind! The death of Ambedkar further raised him to the status of a deity. His death is not considered the death of a mortal, but the death, or more properly, disappearance, of an avatar, or incarnation of god. The belief that Ambedkar was an avatar finds expression in the fourth song. When Dr. Ambedkar came down to this earth in the form of an avatdra of Bhimraya (Bhim was his first name, and rayd means ‘ king，)，he ruled the world. As a ruler, he not only controlled the Brahmins, but the Earth, the Moon, and the Sun. In his kingdom flourished the down­ trodden. The song provides a powerful image of Dr. Ambedkar as a master of the Universe, as an avatar, a deity. Ambedkar’s leadership dominated not only the political and socio­ economic spheres but also the sphere of religion. Immediately follow­ ing his conversion to Buddmsm, many conversion ceremonies were held in Maharashtra. At the time of the 1961 census, the total number of declared Neo-Buddhists in Maharashtra included approximately 80% of the Mahar caste.10 As Ambedkar received his initiation of dtksd into Buddhism in Nagpur, Buddha Jay anti (Buddha’s Birth celebration) and Bhima Jayanti (Ambedkar’s Birth celebration) are observed there with great festivity. The Mahars have deified Ambedkar giving him the highest place in their lives, second only to the Buddha. In their homes and also on the covers of the pamphlets of songs, Ambedkar’s portrait is found right next to one of the Buddha. Ambedkar and Buddha are not con­ sidered to be identical. Ambedkar is considered to be an avatar of Bhima (Ambedkar’s first name), and not of the Buddha. Since Bhimrao Ambedkar had become a Neo-Buddhist, the celebrations of Buddha’s DR. AMBEDKAR: HERO OF THE MAHARS 101 birth as well as Ambedkar’s birth are observed with similar rituals and on the same dtksd ground. Buddha gave the message of non-violence to the world, whereas Ambedkar gave the doctrine of panchashila (the five basic principles of good international conduct to be used by nations to achieve world peace).11 Song five is clearly representative of the Mahar community’s respect and devotion for Ambedkar. He has become their God and they wor­ ship him as the singer sings: “ We worship Bhima, too.” Dr. Am­ bedkar is referred to as ‘ Mother ’; the image of God as ‘ Mother ’ is quite dominant in Indian culture.12 In the last song, Dr. Ambedkar is raised from a aeity to a supreme deity. He is omnipresent, omnipotent, and omniscient. Dr. Am­ bedkar is present everywhere, as the singer expresses: Bhima is overhead, Bhima is beneath Bmma is in front, Bhima is behind. Oh my friend, nothing is here without him He is everywhere, he is everywhere. The song also expresses a non-dualistic philosophy. That is one­ ness of God with the Universe. Ambedkar is the Supreme Soul, the Ultimate Reality, which resides in every thing and every being as in the following couplets: He is in the breath of the poor, he is in their tears, He is in their hearts, he is in the temples of their minds. He is in the light of lamps, he is in the rays of the sun, He is in the sorrow of the troubled, he is in the body and the soul of the Dalits. Thus, the songs of the Mahars provide various images of Dr. Ambedkar: a common man who with his struggle rose above society, a blessed man with fame and fortune, a unique leader with extraordinary talent, an unparalleled hero, a aeity, an avatar, and finally the Supreme God. In Ambedkar the songs combine the image of the hero (or folk- hero) whose main task is the defense of his community against outside enemies, the enemies being the Brahmins and other supporters of a caste society, and the image of the avatar, or divine descent, who also ac­ cording to traditional mythology has as his main task or purpose the de­ fense of the world from some evil force or oppressor, usually a demonic 102 INDIRA Y. JUNGHARE figure. In Indian folklore the ascription of divine and superhuman qualities to the hero is a common feature. Because of this ascription the distinctions of folk and religious literature are not so clear-cut as in other cultures. To his followers, Ambedkar is everything: god, saint, teacher, leader, father, and mother. Dr. Ambedkar, the Hero This final section shall investigate why Dr. Ambedkar is such a special hero，and what makes him stand out in the hero-tradition. Lord Raglan discussed at length the general meaning and idea of “ hero ” and to what extent traditional heroes were ever real men (1936, 200). He adheres to the opinion that heroes of tradition were rarely real persons. If they were real persons then they were simply historical persons, not heroes. We know that Ambedkar was a Historical person. We have evidence about his birth, and ms works. However, an ex­ amination of the songs of the Mahars clearly indicates that although Ambedkar was a real person, his eminence led to his deification. Many of the songs used in celebrations of his birth seem to express an opinion similar to that of William Ridgeway’s view of a hero. According to Ridgeway, dramatization of a hero’s exploits or sufferings through dances, eulogies, paintings, and statues is one of the regular methods of propitiating a man of outstanding personality. With this method the great man is canonized as hero or saint, and finally promoted to the fore­ most rank of the great divinities (Raglan 1936, 202). The songs of the Mahars are nothing but eulogies, first elevating their oDject to a hero and then to a deity. The deification of Ambedkar is completed by statues and temples in his honor. In this case, the dramatization of Dr. Am­ bedkar^ life story is done through the composition of folk songs by the Mahar community. According to Campbell (1949，30)，“ the standard path of the mythological adventure of the hero is a magnification of the formula represented in the rites of passage: Separation_ initiation—return ” A hero ventures forth from the world of common day into a region of supernatural wonder; fabulous forces are there encountered and a decisive victory is won: the hero comes back from this mysterious adventure with the power to bestow boons on his fellow man (Campbell 1949, 30). On the rite of passage the hero assumes many forms and many roles. Besides the images of a hero and a deity, the songs of the Mahars depict