BETWEEN COMMUNITY AND SECULARISM: THE DAWOODI BOHRAS AND AGENDAS OF ‘REFORM’ IN INDIA, C. 1915-1985 SHABBIR HUSSAIN MUSTAFA (B.A. (Hons.), NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAMME NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements.............................................................................................ii Summary............................................................................................................iii Glossary...........................................................................................................vii List of Illustrations...........................................................................................xii CHAPTER 1. Introduction………………………………………..………………………………..1 ‘Who are these Dawoodi Bohras?’ The Dawoodi Bohras: A Historiographical Survey ‘Apolitical Quietism’ in the Dawoodi Bohra Tradition Methodology and Sources Structure of the Thesis 2. ‘In The Colonial Public Sphere’: Syedna Taher Saifuddin And The Early Reformists…………...………........……35 Fatimid Solidarity and Modern Belonging Sir Adamji Peerbhai: ‘The Difficult Philanthropist’ An Initial ‘Intrusion’: The Chandabhai Gulla Case ‘Angry Men’: Anjuman-i-Dawoodi and the Young Men’s Bohra Association The ‘Politics’ of the Mussalman Wakf Act, 1923 Summing up 3. ‘In Defence Of The Community’: Syedna Taher Saifuddin And The Reassertion Of Authority……………………..60 The ‘Archetypal’ Prodigy Communion with the Bohras in Yemen The Treasured Academy: Al-Jamea-tus-Safiyah Spiritual Assembly of Zikra: Fatimid Blueprints, Indian Contexts Summing up 4. ‘At The Heart Of Secularism’: Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin And The Print Reformists…………………….84 A Resolution for ‘Change’: al-Multaqa al-Fatimi al-Ilmi, 1979 The Udaipur ‘Revolt’ and Measures of ‘Progress’ ‘Clandestine Femininity’: The Yasmin Contractor Case The Challenge of the Nathwani Commission Summing up ii 5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..……115 Between Community and Secularism Writing the Dawoodi Bohra Past Transnational Convergence, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 1428H ‘A Token of Remembrance’: Ashura, 1428/2007 Electronic ‘Pastiche’: www.malumaat.com Bibliography...............................................................................................................133 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis could not have been written without the support and suggestions of many teachers, friends and colleagues. I must single out those who made valuable suggestions at various stages, helped me understand specific issues in a different light, and helped me in the research and editing. Let me begin with teachers. First and foremost, I remain indebted to my Supervisor A/P Gyanesh Kudaisya. He not only read many different versions of this work and offered critical advice that guided me towards clarity, but also taught me that optimism is the faith that leads to achievement, and nothing can be done without hope and confidence. His continued encouragement and immense patience has been more than just inspiring. I must also record my deep gratitude to A/P Medha Kudaisya from whose kindness and guidance I have greatly benefited from. My pursuit of this topic and interest in the history of mercantile communities goes back to interactions with her as a teacher and as her research assistant. A special thank you to Prof. Sandria Freitag and Dr. Renu Gupta, who read drafts and provided timely comments that guided me through various debates in modern history. At the South Asian Studies Programme (SASP), A/P Rahul Mukherjee and Dr Rajesh Rai always kept their doors open for random questions I would have on the study of Political Economy and Diaspora. I owe special gratitude to Ms. Nur Jannah Mohamed from the SASP who has been an indispensable source of help and guidance. Thank you, Jannah. At the NUS Central Library, thank you to Kannagi Rajamanickam for facilitating all my requests for Inter-Library Loans. Amongst graduate student friends, Taberez Ahmed Neyazi, Sujoy Dutta, Priya Maholay Jaradi and Deen Mohammad for all those engaging discussions on this topic and all the laughs we shared as each one of us moved on to different stages of our lives. It is because of them that I shall remember my life as a postgraduate student with great fondness. As always, my close friends have been unfailingly supportive. Teren Sevea has been an ever-ready source of support. Falak Sufi encouraged me to embark on this topic and although she is not with us any longer, she left fond memories I will cherish for the rest of my life. Kizher Buhary Shahjahan, Shamindri Perera, Mizran Faizal, Vinay Pathak, Mohammad Fakhrudeen, Wang Zineng, Lim Qinyi and Liudmila Volkova have been a constant source of encouragement. I would like to thank my parents whose love and support have sustained me through this period. My father Esmailjee Shabbir Hussain and mother Duraiya, whose unconditional encouragement and syncretic outlook on life is the primary source of my inspiration and being. My baby sister, Sakina has helped me tremendously, always making me laugh and keeping an eye out for materials that may prove useful. And finally I owe my thanks to Leila Shirazi who has been an immense source of support. iv Each of them have devised their own ways to cope with the disruption caused by my writing, and in their own way, have kept me going. It is to them I dedicate this thesis. I take sole responsibility for the many imperfections in this work. None of the individuals whose assistance I have acknowledged is in any way liable. v SUMMARY The Dawoodi Bohras are a small Islamic community concentrated in the Indian subcontinent, with an increasing diaspora over the past three decades. An Ismaili group, the community traces its creed back to the 10th century Fatimids of Cairo and remains relatively undocumented. Located as a critical enquiry into the historical contingencies which have shaped Bohra self-identity in late-colonial and post-colonial India, this thesis focuses on internal debates within the community about agendas of ‘reform’ during the tenure of two High Priests of the community, namely, Syedna Taher Saifuddin (1915–1965) and his successor Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin (1965–present). It looks at the ideas and works of those individuals and groups who attempted to critique the authority of the High Priests over spiritual and temporal matters of the community by raising these agendas of ‘reform’. In doing so, the thesis problematises issues of theological authority embodied in the institution of the High Priest and engages with questions of jurisdiction over family and civil law matters and control over community resources and institutions. It focuses on the period c. 1915– 1985, during which the Reformists initially used lawsuits under newly introduced legislation by the colonial state to put pressure on Syedna Taher Saifuddin to recognise the need to ‘modernise’ the community. The High Priest responded with selective re-adaptation of Fatimid beliefs to legitimise his position. He also increasingly used modern technologies such as print, rail and air travel, as well as modern organisational systems to expound his ideas. In the context of Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin’s tenure as High Priest (post- 1965), taking advantage of the post-colonial ‘secular’ state, the Reformists harnessed print media and civil society institutions in an attempt to undermine the authority of the High Priest. Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin responded by embracing secularism, eschewing Islamic extremism and reasserting the ideals of self-reliance. The landmark 1979 Conference of Fatimi Knowledge (al-Multaqa al-Fatimi al-Ilmi) symbolised these measures, which were aimed at achieving greater cohesion within the community. In overall terms, the High Priest succeeded in re-invoking bonds of culture, traditions and the past embodied in community institutions. He also addressed many of the issues raised by the Reformists, while never acknowledging their locus standi. In a wider sense, the thesis ends with a discussion about the community’s contemporary identity mix and how ideas of devotion to the High Priest operate trans- nationally, reinforced by the annual Ashura commemorations, which take place at different locations around the world. vi GLOSSARY Aga Khan The leader of Nizari Ismailis. While Dawoodi Bohras believe that the Imam is in concealment and represented by the Dai-al-mutlaq, the Khojas believe that the Aga khan is the hazir (‘present’) Imam. Ahl al-bayt People of the household. Refers to the family of Prophet Muhammad, especially his descendents through his daughter Fathema and son-in-law Ali. Aisaheba Title given to the wife of Dai-al-mutlaq Ajlaf/Ashraf Two broad categories of Indian Muslims. Ajlaf communities (the overwhelming majority, a group that includes the Bohras) are descendents of indigenous converts. Whereas Ashraf communities are descendents of Afghans, Persians, Arabs, or other Muslim ruling elites from outside the subcontinent. Amilsaheb Assistant cleric in the Bohra hierarchy who serves as the Dai’s personal representative in a given locality. The title is often translated as ‘priest’, a term that would be out of place in almost any Islamic context other than an Ismaili one. Ashura The tenth day of the Islamic month of Muharram, which commemorates the martyrdom of the grandson of Prophet Mohammad, Imam Husain and his 72 faithful followers in Karbala in 61H/680AD. Ayatollah The highest rank of Ithna-Ashari clerics. Badri Mahal Located in downtown Mumbai, is the office from where matters of the Bohra Dawat are administered. Bania Member of a Gujarati mercantile caste or community. Bania communities include Bohras, Khojahs, Memons, Parsis and various subgroup of Jains and Hindus. Baraat Social ostracism imposed by the Bohra Dawat. Since outright excommunication is legally precarious in India since the Prevention of Excommunication Act was introduced in 1949, the Dawat has relied on baraat to achieve somewhat similar purposes. (Not to be confused with similar words meaning ‘wedding party’ or ‘India’) Batin Secret theological doctrines and esoteric meanings of Islamic orthodoxy. Bhaisaheb Bhai referring to ‘brother’, the appellation given to every Bohra man. Bhaisaheb is the title reserved for men of the Qasr-e Ali. Brahmin/Brahman The highest of four varnas (‘classes’) in the Hindu caste system. Several Bohra families claim descent from priestly Brahmins rather than mercantile Vaishyas. Burqa Modest dress worn by traditional Muslim woman. For Bohras, the wearing of a burqa is a central part of the post-1980s Islamization program. Caliph ‘Successor’, i.e., successor to the Prophet Mohammad. The eleventh through the twentieth Ismaili Imam (as reckoned by the Bohras) ruled the Fatimid Empire with the title of caliph. Crore An Indian mathematical unit equalling 10 million. vii Dai ‘Missionary’. In Fatimid usage, a cleric involved in propagation of the faith. In contemporary Bohra usage, shorthand for the Dai-al-mutlaq. Dai-al-mutlaq The apex cleric of the Bohra community. The Dai-al-mutlaq is believed to be in contact with hidden Imam. This title was of only intermediate rank in the Fatimid hierarchy. All orthodox Bohras pledge to obey the dictates of the Dai al-mutlaq in both spiritual and temporal matters. Dawat ‘The Rightly Guiding Mission’, in Bohra terms. Dawr-al-satr Period of concealment, during which the Imam lives in the world but is hidden away even from his own followers. Ismailis of both the Nizari and Mustali branches believe a Dawr-al-satr encompassed the reigns of the seventh to the tenth imams (148-268H/765-881AD). Bohras believe a second Dawr-al-satr began when the twenty-first imam entered concealment in 526H/1132AD. Deen Matters of spiritual (as opposed to strictly temporal) concern. Dua Blessing, prayer. Dunya Matters of worldly (as opposed to strictly spiritual) concern. Durgah Mausoleum. In Bohra usage, typically the Mausoleum of a Dai or Sayyedi. Fatimi/Fatimid Spiritual descendent of Fathema, the Prophet Mohammad’s daughter. Fatimid Empire Based in Cairo, and at its height including most of North Africa and the Near East was the most powerful and historically significant example of an Ismaili state. Bohras regard themselves as the spiritual and cultural inheritors of the Fatimid caliphate, and guardians of the Fatimid tradition. Feta A pre-wound turban of gold silk worn by Bohra men instead of a topi on special occasions. Fiqh Islamic jurisprudence, the science of law. Firman ‘Royal directive’. For Bohras, a directive from the Dai. Fitra ‘Islamic tax’. Among Bohras, paid together with Sila during Ramadan. Hadith A saying attributed to the Prophet Muhammad. Hafiz One who knows the Quran by heart. Haj Pilgrimage to Mecca undertaken during the month of zyl-hajj. Haqiqat ‘Truth’, ‘reality’. The higher reaches of Ismaili gnostic learning. Hukm ‘Official command’. In Bohra usage, a directive from the Dai. Imam ‘Spiritual leader’. In Sunni usage, the term is generally applied to the prayer leader at the local mosque. In Shia usage it can have this meaning, but is more significantly applied to one of the infallible intermediaries between God and man. Ithna Ashari recognize twelve imams before the period of occultation, while Bohras recognize twenty-one before satr. Iman ‘Faith’. viii Ismaili One of the two major surviving branches of Shia Islam. Bohras, like other Ismailis, get their name from their acceptance of Ismail ibn Jafar as the appointed spiritual successor (‘Imam’) to Jafar as-Sadiq, wherein they differ from the Twelvers, who accept Musa al-Kazim, younger brother of Ismaill, as the true Imam . Ithna Ashari The predominant Shia denomination. Also called Twelver. Jamaat Assembly. In Bohra usage, a local Bohra community. Jamaatkhana The building that serves as the social and cultural (as opposed to spiritual) center for a local Bohra community. Kal masum The spiritual state of the Bohra Dai-al-mutlaq. The difference between kal masum and masum (immaculate and infallible, the spiritual state of an Imam) is subtle, but important. Khidmat ‘Service’. For Bohras, serving as part of the clerical hierarchy, or volunteering at community events and occasions. Khidmat can also mean financial service in the form of generous contributions to the Dawat. Khojah Indian Nazari Ismaili who recognize the Aga Khan as the living Imam. The Khojahs, like the Bohras, are a community of Gujarati banias concentrated in Mumbai and metropolitan centers around the world. Kurta A white cotton shirt, reaching down to the knees. For Bohras, an essential part of the male Quam-e-Libas (‘community dress’) instituted by Syedna Mohammad Buhanuddin in the early 1980s. Lakh An Indian mathematical unit equaling 100,000. Madrasa Islamic school providing higher education. The transnational Bohra network of Burhani Madrasas combines Islamic and Western subjects in the same curriculum. Majlis ‘Council’. In Bohra terminology, a religion ceremony less formal than a waaz. Maktab A rudimentary Islamic school. Masjid Mosque Masum ‘Infallible’ and ‘immaculate’. In Bohra doctrine the Imam is masum, while the Dai is kal masum (‘like’ masum). Maulana/Moula An honorific title given to Muslim clerics. In the Bohra community, the title is reserved for the Dai-al-mutlaq. Mazoon The second-highest cleric in the Bohra hierarchy. Milad Birth date of Prophet Mohammad, an Imam, or (for the Bohras) a Dai. Misaq Oath of allegiance to God and the Dai-al-mutlaq. Under taken by all observant Bohras upon reaching puberty as a prime rite of passage. The oath is repeated annually during the month of zyl-Haj. Miyasaheb Honor given to a Bohra Sheikh who has earned his title through devotion rather than financial contributions. ix Mohalla In Bohra usage, a neighborhood or administrative unit for Dawat organization. Muharram The first month of the Islamic year. Mukasir The third-ranking cleric in the Bohra Dawat. Mullah In Bohra usage, the title is given to any man authorized to lead prayers. The title of Mullah is lower than that of Shaikh or Amil, and is awarded to graduates of the Al-Jamea-tus-Saifiyah. Mumineen ‘Faithful’. In General Islamic usage, a Muslim. In Bohra usage, the term is reserved for members of the community. Musafirkhana ‘Pilgrims lodge’ maintained near a Bohra shrine. Mustali One of the two surviving branches of the Ismailis. Bohras represent the only significant group of Mustali Ismailis in the modern world. Nas ‘Transfer of Traditions’. For Bohras, the designation of a Dai-al-mutlaq by his predecessor. Nizari One of the two major branches of Ismailis. The Nizaris are today represented by Khojahs and other followers of the Aga Khan. Pagri ‘Turban’. Purdah For Bohra women, purdah (‘seclusion’) is considerably less restrictive than for the woman of many other communities. It primarily consists of avoiding physical contact with or revealing hair and body contours to men other than one’s husband or blood relatives. Qarzan Hasanah Trust established for granting of zero-interest loans. Syedna Muhammad Burhanuddin has made this system of Islamic finance important component of the Bohra identity mix. Qasr-e-Ali The ‘Royal Family’ of the Bohra community. Qaum ‘Community’. Qiblah Direction of Muslim prayer. Quran The revealed scripture of Islam. Raza ‘Permission’. In the Bohra community, mumineen often ask the raza of the Dai for any major decisions or actions to be undertaken. Rida ‘Veil’. Bohra woman wear a rida that covers the hair, neck and chest, but not the face. Rupee Indian unit of currency. Salat Prayer, offered five times daily (Arabic equivalent of the Urdu/Persian/Turkish word ‘namaz’) Shadi For Hindus, marriage. For Bohras the social (as opposed to religious) aspect of a wedding celebration. Shahzada/Shahzedi Prince/Princess. Title given to the sons and daughter of a Bohra Dai. x